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ILLUSTRATED EDITION PRICE, $2.

SECRETS

OF THE

LATE REBELLION,

NOW REVEALED FOR THE FIRST TIME.

BY DR..FREESE,

AUTHOR OF " TRAVELS IN THE HOLY LAND, SYRIA, ASIA MINOR, AND TURKEY ;" " TRAVELS

IN THE LAND OF THE PHARAOHS;" "TRAVELS IN SWITZERLAND, ITALY, GERMANY,

AND OTHER EUROPEAN COUNTRIES;" "BOOK OF JOB, TRANSLATED FROM THE

HEBREW HEMISTICH TO ENGLISH RHYTHMIC VERSE, WITH LIFE OF JOB,

ETC.;" "ELIZABETH'S MISSION;" " PARADISE LOST AND PARADISE
REGAINED, TRANSPOSED FROM BLANK TO RHYTHMIC VERSE,

WITH LIFE OF JOHN MILTON ;" " BIBLICAL BIOGRAPHY,
EMBRACING II2I NAMES;" "LIVES OF THE PRESI
DENTS;" "THE CURSE CONSUMMATED, OR LES
SONS FROM HISTORY ;" " ST. JOHN*S REV
ELATION, AS REVEALED IN HISTORY,"
AND " CRAYON SKETCHES FROM
THE LIFE OF CHRIST."

PHILADELPHIA:

CROMBARGAR & CO.
1882.

LOAN STACK

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1882, by

CROMBARGAR & CO.,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

N.B.— All communications relative to this work, should be addressed to

CROMBARGAR & CO.,

No. 666 Bankson Street,

PHILADELPHIA, PA.

fll

AN ENGLISH LORD AND REBEL COLONEL MAKING THEIR
WAY FROM WASHINGTON TO RICHMOND THROUGH
UNION AND REBEL LINES . . . Frontispiece

PACK

FORT SUMTER 20

MONTGOMERY, ALA., BEFORE THE WAR . . . .28

FARRAGUT AT MOBILE -34

BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG 40

PICKET-DUTY DURING THE WAR 52

RICHMOND, VA., BEFORE THE WAR . . . .64
CHARLESTON, S. C., BEFORE THE WAR . . . 70

NASHVILLE, TENN., BEFORE THE WAR . . . .86

CAPITOL AT RALEIGH, N. C 98

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH no

DEATH OF GENERAL MCPHERSON 124

GALVESTON, TEXAS 132

SHERMAN'S MARCH THROUGH SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY . 148
ALEXANDRIA, VA., DURING THE WAR .... 158
WASHINGTON'S RESIDENCE— MT. VERNON . . .176
VlCKSBURG, MlSS., BEFORE THE WAR .... 2O2

WHEELING, VA., BEFORE THE WAR . . . .222

ix

739

X ILLUSTRATIONS.

PACK

MEMPHIS, TENN., BEFORE THE WAR .... 238
LOUISVILLE, KY., BEFORE THE WAR .... 264
NATCHEZ, Miss., BEFORE THE WAR .... 280
HAND-TO-HAND FIGHTING AT MECHANICSVILLE . .302
THE GUERILLAS ATTACKING UNION TROOPS . . .314
PITTSBURG LANDING DURING THE WAR . . . .320
HARPER'S FERRY, VA., BEFORE THE WAR . . . 330
THE FALLEN 342

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

PACK

This not a General History of the War, but of Special Inci
dents not Heretofore Published — Most of the Actors Gone —
Whence the Facts Contained in this Volume — Changes Since
the War — Facts Herein Mostly New — Old Facts used as
Frames and Canvas; New Facts as Pictures — All Reliable
— Fabian Policy and Masterly Diplomacy — Written Without
Prejudice, and from an Historic Standpoint Only .... 21

CHAPTER II.

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE.
KING COTTON BEHIND THE SCENES.

Meeting of Confederate Congress — Their Acts— President Da-
vis's Proclamation — President Lincoln's Counter Proclama
tion — Second Meeting of Confederate Congress — Message
and Acts — Third Meeting of Confederate Congress, at Rich
mond — Message and Acts — President Buchanan's Adminis
tration. — Lincoln Inaugurated President — His Cabinet — Call
for Troops—Strength of Blockade Squadron — Extra Session
of United States Congress — Message and Acts — Attempt at
Liverpool to Break Blockade — English Blockade-Runners —
New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore Blockade-Runners —
Business at Wilmington, N. C. — Northern Sympathizers with
the South — Quotations from Kattell and from Macaulay Ap
plied to Condition of United States Government 29

Xli CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.

ESTABLISHING STATIONS— FIRST TRIP AND FIRST

PASSENGERS.

BRAINS AND CAUTION SHIFTING THE SCENES.

PAGE

Battle of Gettysburg — The Outside and the Inside View of that
Battle — Things Known Behind the Scenes — Communication
Between North and South Nearly Closed — Necessity the
Mother of Invention — President Davis's Plan for Opening
New Route — How it was Done — Who the Conductors, and
how Managed — Who Kept Way-stations, and how Paid —
Guides, Engineers, Brakemen, and how Paid — Depot in
Washington — Special Agents in Washington, Baltimore,
Philadelphia, and New York — First Letters by New Line,
and to Whom — The Baltimore Cotton Ring — The Philadel
phia Cotton Ring — The New York Cotton Ring — Heads and
Directors of Each — Lamb and Waddell First Passengers on
New Line — Difficulties and Amusing Incidents of their Trip
Across the Lines and Through the Confederate States — Their
Return — Report to Cotton Rings — Results 41

CHAPTER IV.

ANOTHER CONDUCTOR ON THE NEW LINE.
CAUTION SLIDING THE SCENES.

Colonel Kttigore Conductor on New Line — His Former Services
and Character — His First Service as Conductor — Recognized
in Baltimore — Alarm, and Happy Termination — Again Rec
ognized by One of Baker's Secret Detectives — Shoots Detec
tive on the Spot — Serves Till Line Closes — Returns to Charles
ton — Opens Law-Office — One of the First Men of the State . 65

CHAPTER V.

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS.
DIPLOMACY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

Cotton and Gold Markets in 1863— What They Indicated— Great
Divorce Trial — Arguments on Both Sides — First Confederate
Loan — By whom Taken — Arrival in New York of Lord Brew-
erton— His Conference with President McLane — Goes to Bal
timore, and whom he Meets — Then on to Washington — Scene

CONTENTS. Xlll

PACK

in Ben. Beveridge's Saloon — Then to English Embassy —
Remains with Lord Lyons — Concludes to go South — How he
Goes — His Disguise — Hiding in Negro Hut — Midnight Ride
Behind a Blind Mule, in a Two-wheel Dirt Cart — How he
Gets Through the Union Lines — Arrival in Richmond — Stops
with President Davis — Grand Ball at Executive Mansion in
Honor of Lord Brewerton — The Dresses of, and who Present
— Trip Through Confederate States — His Report to President
Davis — Returns to Washington — Attends President Lincoln's
Levee with Confederate Officer — Reports to Philadelphia and
New York Cotton Rings — Returns to England — Other Eng
lish Lords in the Confederate States — Sons of Peers in the
Confederate Army — All After the Gold Nuggets 71

CHAPTER VI.

IN TIGHT PLACES AND OUT.
SHREWDNESS PULLING THE WIRES,

Other Incidents in Running the Land Blockade — Mr. Danger-
field a Passenger— His Strange Experiences — Mr. Willis a
Passenger, and his Experiences — One of the Conductors Ar
rested as a Spy — How he Escapes — Senator Johnson in a Bad
Fix — How he Got Out— No Ill-will Towards Perpetrators . . 87

CHAPTER VII.

PRISONERS, HOW USED AND HOW ABUSED.
CRAFT AND CRUELTY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

Bounty Jumpers, by whom and how Encouraged — Richmond
Diplomacy, and how Put in Practice — Bounty Jumpers Spe
cially Well Treated — Treatment of Other Union Prisoners at
Libby Prison— At Castle Thunder— At Salisbury — At Ander-
sonville — Related by an Eye-Witness 99

CHAPTER VIII.

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH.

CUNNING AND DUPLICITY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.
DESTRUCTION IN THE BACKGROUND.

"Moseby's Cavalry," how Organized and how Operated — Start
ling Facts Never Before Published— Four Persons Bound with

XIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

Chains, and then Burned with Storehouse and Contents — Steal
ing of a Horse from Lieutenant-Colonel Phillips — A " Dunk-
ard " Murdered for his Money — Paymaster Tilletson Gobbled
Up — Six Union Officers about to be Hung by Moseby's Gue
rillas, and how Saved — Three Officers Stripped Naked, and
Turned Out to Perish — How Rescued — Murder of Cavalry
Prisoners After Surrender — Grant and Sheridan's Plan of
Retribution — Terrible Results ill

CHAPTER IX.

WHAT BECAME OF SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE

WAR.

THE ALMIGHTY DOLLAR PROMPTING THE ACTORS.
"WE NEBER SEED 'EM ANY MORE."

Number of Slaves Before the War—Number After— What Be
came of them During and After the War — Droves to Texas —
Shiploads to Brazil and Cuba — How the Trade was Carried
On — Kidnapping After the War — Northern and Southern
Consciences 133

CHAPTER X.

THE CONFEDERACY AS SEEN FROM WITHIN.
PRIDE, PASSION, AND WANT IN THE BACKGROUND.

Suffering in the South During the War, Related by Those who
were Behind the Scenes — Fair Outside Show Kept Up — Going
Sixty Miles for One Wagon-load of Provisions — Twenty-Five
Boxes of Tobacco for One Bag of Coffee — Gambling Saloons
in Richmond — By whom Frequented, and why — Fortune
Made on Pins and Needles — Dogs and Cats at a Premium
— Party Antagonisms — Congressman Shot Dead on Floor of
House, in Richmond — Jealousies About Appointments — Ter
rible Condition of Currency — Five Dollars for a " Drink,"
and Ten for a Breakfast, at " Ballard House," Richmond . 149

CHAPTER XI.

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED.
KINDNESS AND POWER (HAND-IN-HAND) BEHIND THE

SCENES.

Alexandria, Va., Before and During the War — Its Capture, and
the Consequences — Military Governor and Provost-Court —

CONTENTS. XV

PACK

The Organization and Business of the Court — Trial of a Se
cessionist for Assault upon a Union Man — Fined Five Hun
dred Dollars — Appeal to General McClellan — Remedy Com
plete — No Similar Cases Afterwards 159

CHAPTER XII.

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT."
OTHER POWERS, AND HOW EXERCISED.

Reports in Northern Journals about Court — Nothing for Show,
All for Necessity — Threats of Assassination — Insults to Of
ficers and Sentinels — How Remedied — Arrest of Episcopal
Clergyman — Conscience not to be Interfered with — Attempt
to Burn Church— How Prevented — Terrible Cruelty to Slaves
— Parties Arrested and Tried — Sentence, and its Effect upon
the Community — Power of Court Recognized — No like Cases
after that 177

CHAPTER XIII.

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY.
PREJUDICE AND SELF-INTEREST PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

The Different Definitions given to the word Loyalty — A Third
Class Professing Loyalty to Both, but Loyal to Neither — Aptly
Portrayed by Macaulay — Cases before the Provost-Court —
Mr. E. for Giving " Aid and Comfort " to the Enemy — Sen
tence — Concerts by Hutchinson Family — Forbid by General
McClellan — Sustained by Judge Freese — Great Excitement —
The Court Sustained — Loyalty Triumphant 203

CHAPTER XIV.

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING THE RIGHTS OF
PROPERTY.

ERROR AND PREJUDICE PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

New Class of Cases before the Court — Abandoned Property —
How Regarded by Union Men and Secessionists — General
Montgomery and Judge Freese's Views on this Question —
Attempt to Take a Piano— Amicable Trial of the Case— De
cision of the Court — Confiscation and Sequestration Acts,
How Construed by the Court — Happy Termination of Case
and End of like Troubles .223

XVI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XV.

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS.
JUSTICE SHIFTING SCENES AND PROMPTING ACTORS.

PAGE

Another Class of Cases before the Court — Two Hundred Mill
ion Dollars Owed by Southern to Northern Merchants —
Philadelphia and New York Creditors after Alexandria Debt
ors — Debtors in Richmond, Goods in Alexandria — Cases
taken up by Provost-Court — Rules of Procedure — Principles
Involved — Decision of the Court — Justice Triumphant . . . 239

CHAPTER XVI.

LEGAL TECHNICALITIES IN CONFLICT WITH COMMON

SENSE.

ANOTHER ACT IN THE DRAMA — PRIDE ON ONE SIDE AND
JUSTICE ON THE OTHER PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

Nothing so Uncommon as Common Sense— Cases Illustrative —
Efforts among Secessionists and Disloyalists to Close the Pro
vost-Court — President Lincoln's Answer — Secretary Cam
eron's Answer — Applications to Attorney-General Bates and
Postmaster-General Blair — Conference between President
Lincoln and Judge Freese — Between Bates, Cameron, and
Freese — General McClellan Brought in — His Aid-de-Camp
Calls upon General Montgomery — The Order and Wishes
of General McClellan — Final Conference between General
Montgomery and Judge Freese — The Result — How Received
— What would have been the Results of a Different Policy . 265

CHAPTER XVII.

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES.

What the Calculations of Abraham Lincoln and his Cabinet were
at the Opening of Hostilities — How and why they were Mis
taken in these Calculations — Facts and Figures from Official
Documents to Substantiate Statements 281

CHAPTER XVIII.

WHY THE SOUTH HAS NOT DENOUNCED THE DEM
OCRATIC PARTY.

What Keeps the Party Alive—What the Final End of this Re
public . 303

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIX.

HOW COMES IT THAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, WITH
SUCH A WEIGHT OF SIN UPON IT, CAN STILL KEEP
ALIVE f PAGB

This Question Fully and Fairly Answered 315

CHAPTER XX.

FROM ALL YOUR STUDY OF HISTORY, WHAT DEDUC
TIONS DO YOU DRAW AS TO THE FINAL DECLINE
AND FALL, IF SUCH A THING IS EVER TO BE, OF
THIS REPUBLIC?

This Question Answered by a Review of the History of Other
Republics 321

CHAPTER XXI.

THE SPARTAN REPUBLIC— ITS RISE AND FALL, AND
WHY. THE ATHENIAN REPUBLIC, AND THE REASON
OF ITS FALL. THE THEBAN REPUBLIC, AND THE
CAUSES OF ITS DESTRUCTION.

These Lessons Applied to the American Republic 331

CHAPTER XXII.

THE ROMAN REPUBLIC— ITS RISE, GLORY, DECLINE, AND

FALL, AND THE REASON THEREOF.
How the Facts of its History may Serve as Lessons to Ourselves
—Our Immediate Danger, and what the Remedy .... 343
2* B

SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.
EXPLANATIONS AND PLEDGES.

THE " History of the Great Rebellion," as some have
called it, or of " The American Conflict," as others
have called it, has been written over and over — by Greeley,
by McClusky, by Abbott, by Kartell, by Pollard, and by
others — and it is not my intention to write it again : but
I PURPOSE, as Macaulay says in the first two words of
that wonderful History of England in which, by the
magic of his pen, he has made facts, which, until then,
had lain only in the brains of old women, in the traditions
of old men, in forgotten newspapers, and in neglected
pamphlets, come forth in all the habiliments of life ; some
grinning with merriment, and others frowning with de
spair — some as angels of heaven, and others as demons of
hell — I PURPOSE, throughout the whole of this volume, to
write of the sayings and doings of those who, in the great
war between the United States and the " Southern Con
federacy," stood in the side wings, or behind the scenes, as
proprietors, as stockholders, as lessees, as stage managers,
as prompters, as scene-shifters, as curtain- droppers, as
wire-pullers, and without whom the acts before the scenes
could not have been, and would not have been, enacted.
Many, yea, most of those who attended to their various

21

22 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

parts behind the scenes, while those in front were attending
to theirs, have gone to their long homes. Like the hero
of a hundred battles —

" They sleep their last sleep and have fought their last battle,
No sound can awake them to glory again;"

yet a few remain, scattered throughout the North, scat
tered throughout the South, in cities, in towns, in offices,
in workshops, in negro huts ; and from these, and such as
these, we have gathered and now propose to put on record,
the inner or secret history of the greatest war of the nine
teenth century — a war in which more men were engaged,
more deeds of valor done, more lives lost, and during
which there was more of masterly diplomacy exercised,
on both sides, than in any war which has occurred since
the days of the Roman empire.

Eighteen years ago ! Only three words, uttered in a
single breath and seeming but as yesterday, when looking
backward, and yet where is the tongue that can tell, or
the pen that can write all that has transpired within that
time?

Fields made desolate by battles then are now waving with
grain, covered by green swards, or bedecked with flowers ;
what were then hastily constructed earthworks are now
grassy mounds, covered over with shrubbery ; what then
were rifle-pits are now pleasant pathways for man and
beast; cities then burned, or otherwise made desolate
through the ravages of war, have regained more than
their former size, beauty, and commercial prosperity;
plantations then laid waste have been restored to more
than their former productiveness ; wounds, ghastly,
bloody wounds, then made by shot or shell, or sabre
cut, are now so healed that even the cicatrices are scarcely
observable ; and, but for vacant chairs in many house
holds, and too well-filled cemeteries at Arlington Heights,

INTRODUCTORY. 23

at Gettysburg, and all over the land, it would be difficult
for us now to realize that a terrible, desolating war had
swept over this country within so short a time as eighteen
years.

Time is indeed the great leveller, bringing king and
subject, master and slave, to a common platform ; nor is
it less the great assuager and healer. Passions which
burned in the breasts of men with the fierceness of a fur
nace, eighteen years ago, have so smouldered and died out,
that not even a spark can now be found on the hearth
stones of their hearts ; and hence it is that what could not
have been told fifteen, ten, or even five years ago, without
the risk of inflaming passions and leading to greater
harm than good, may now be told without the slightest
objection either from actors or subjects. In history, as in
law, there are statutes of limitation, and when these bounds
are once passed, all that occurred previous to those dates
is wiped from the record of personal responsibility, and
becomes the property of the historian.

Most, if not all, of the facts which I purpose to incor
porate in this history will be new — that is, such as have
never been published before. They have been known, of
course, to the actors and to a few confidential friends, and
vague hints of their existence have found their way in
newspapers from time to time; but never before have
they reached the public eye or ear in book form ; nor
would they now, but for the fact that the limitation of
responsibility has so far passed, that no possible harm can
come from their publicity. To make the new facts intel
ligible as to time and bearing, old facts will, in some cases,
have to be repeated, but in all such cases the old facts will
be but the frames, while the new facts will be the pictures.

Though we are not at liberty in all cases to give the
sources of our information, yet no one need question the
substantial correctness of every statement found in this

24 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

volume, though it may occasionally happen that names
have been given incorrectly o'r misspelled, or that the
dates are not precise. To remember names and dates is not
easy for any one, and that, after a lapse of fifteen years,
some of these should have been partially or entirely for
gotten by some of our informants, is not at all strange.
Of course we can only give the statements as received.
Most of them we have had direct from the lips of those
who were participants in the scenes, others from official
sources, that is, from those who were in, or directly con
nected with, governmental departments; others, from hints
given at the time, but the details of which could not be
stated until the prejudices and passions of the war had
subsided ; and still others, from those who had them from
the lips of the participants.

Some of the facts and incidents hereafter to be related
are but new manifestations of the Fabian policy, and
however unfair they would have seemed to Northern
people had they been known at the time, yet now, few,
if any, will regard them other than as acts of masterly di
plomacy upon the part of Mr. Davis and his cabinet. But
for this policy, the Southern Confederacy would have had
to succumb at least two years before it did ; and, on the
principle that "while there is life there is hope," the longer
they could prolong the contest the more to their credit.
The relative strength of the North and South, at the be
ginning of the war, may be fairly represented by the
numbers 20 and 10. Now take one off from each at five
successive engagements, and the figures will stand 15 and
5. Before, the smaller equalled the one-half of the larger
number, now it equals only the one-third. Again take
one off from each at four more engagements, and the
figures will stand 1 1 and I — the smaller representing only
the one-eleventh part of the larger, while one more en
gagement wipes out the smaller number entirely, and yet

INTRODUCTORY. 2$

leaves the one-half of the larger. From this plain math
ematical statement it will be seen how important it was
for the Southern Confederacy to pursue the Fabian policy
of delay, both as to its operations in the field, and in its
diplomacy with English and Northern capitalists.

The learning of these " Secrets of the Late Rebellion " has
had the effect to increase, rather than lessen, our admira
tion of Jefferson Davis as a statesman, and such we think
will be the effect upon all who may read this book. How
ever much we may condemn his political principles, how
ever much we may condemn the rebellion, and however
rejoiced we may be that he and it failed of success, yet,
now that we know of the secret as well as the open diffi
culties with which he had to contend, we cannot but
admire the talent, the energy, and the perseverance with
which he overcame them all for months and years ; and
at last only yielded to necessities which no foresight, no
talent, no energy could have overcome.

Nor is he the only one of the " LOST CAUSE" whom
these " SECRETS " make us to admire the more. Others,
many others, as will be seen by the following chapters,
acted their parts nobly and well, and deserve more credit
than has ever yet been accorded to them by the historian ;
while others whose secret fiendish acts are herein recorded,
acted worse, a thousandfold worse, than the public ever
knew or probably would have known but for the appear
ance of this volume.

In putting on record the following facts and incidents
of the war, my aim shall be to view everything from a
historic standpoint only. As a Northern man, and as a
late officer in the army, my partisanship and prejudices
during the war were doubtless as strong as those of any
other man ; but so far as I know my own heart, not a
particle of that partisanship or prejudice now remains,
and I believe that I can write of both sides with equal

3

26 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

impartiality. In relating the incidents, I may not have
occasion to express any opinion at all for or against;
but if I should, my readers may rest assured that it will
be done without a particle of prejudice. With these ex
planations, and these pledges, I am now ready to begin
the relation of facts and incidents as they occurred Behind
tJte Scenes during the late War. J. R. F.

CHAPTER II.

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE.
KING COTTON BEHIND THE SCENES.

ON the 4th of February, 1861, the Confederate Congress
met at Montgomery, Ala. It was composed of nine
delegates from Alabama, three from Florida, ten from
Georgia, six from Louisiana, seven from Mississippi, three
from North Carolina, seven from South Carolina — forty-
five in all.

They adopted the old Constitution of the United States,
with the exception of five clauses. The first was a change
in the preamble — making the States named, other than
"We the people," the contracting parties; the second
change related to the " importation of African negroes,"
etc. ; the third related to the escape and delivery of slaves ;
the fourth related to adjusting disputes between the con
tracting States; the fifth empowered Congress to "lay
and collect taxes, duties, imposts, etc." The Constitution,
as amended, was adopted February 8th, and on the same
day Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected President,
and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President,
by a unanimous vote.

On the 1 8th of February Mr. Davis was inaugurated,
and immediately after he nominated, and Congress con
firmed, the following cabinet :

Secretary of State Robert Toombs.

Secretary of the Treasury C. G. Memminger.

Secretary of War L. Pope Walker.

3* 29

3O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

This same Congress authorized a loan of fifteen million
dollars, secured by an export duty on cotton, and passed
an act " To modify the navigation laws, and to repeal all
discriminating duties on ships and vessels " — by which
the entire coasting trade from Charleston to Galveston
was thrown open to the British flag. Had English capi
talists framed the law, they could not have made it to
please themselves better.

On the 1 7th of April, 1 86 1, President Davis issued a proc
lamation offering to grant letters of marque and reprisal
to aid the Southern Confederacy in resisting what he
called " the wanton and wicked aggressions " of the United
States government.

To this President Lincoln immediately responded by
issuing a proclamation, dated April iQth, declaring the
Southern ports in a state of blockade.

The Congress of the Southern Confederacy assembled
at Montgomery again on the 29th of April, 1861. Presi
dent Davis, in his message, advised the immediate passage
of a law authorizing the acceptance of proposals for pri
vateers. He denounced the proclamation of President
Lincoln in relation to Southern ports as a mere paper
blockade. "The loan authorized," he said, "had been
promptly taken (by whom, or on what terms, he did not
say) ; and that a much larger amount had now become
necessary to defray the expenses of the war," etc., etc.

This Congress authorized President Davis to issue
letters of marque and reprisal, and prescribed regulations
for the conduct of privateers. It also passed an act pro
hibiting the export of cotton or cotton yarn from any of
the Confederate States, except through their own sea
ports, under a penalty of forfeiture of the cotton, a fine
of five thousand dollars, and six months' imprisonment.
It further proposed that the planters should be invited to
put their crops into the hands of the government, and

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE. 3!

accept Confederate bonds for their value. On the 2Oth
of May, 1 86 1, this Congress adjourned, to reassemble at
Richmond, Va., in two months.

On the 2Oth of July, 1861, the Confederate Congress
reassembled at Richmond. Meanwhile the cabinet had
been enlarged as follows :

Secretary of the Navy S. R. Mallory, of Florida.

Postmaster-General J. H. Reagan, of Texas.

Attorney-General J. P. Benjamin, of Louisiana.

This Congress included sixty-eight members, of whom
fifteen were from Virginia, ten from North Carolina, nine
from Alabama, three from Florida, ten from Georgia, six
from Louisiana, seven from Mississippi, eight from South
Carolina.

President Davis stated in his message that " fifty million
dollars had been subscribed in cotton," and that "late
crops had been abundant." Among the first acts of this
reassembled Congress was to adopt the convention of
Paris in 1856, in respect to maritime law, whereby the
wishes of Great Britain were acceded to in all respects.
This was, in effect, that enemies' goods should be respected
in neutral ships, and that privateering should be abolished
in time of war. The United States government had de
murred to these propositions, for reasons ably stated at
the time by Secretary Marcy, and afterwards reaffirmed
by Secretary Seward. Had they become a part of national
law, Great Britain could have taken every bale of cotton
from the ports of the Southern Confederacy without let
or hindrance. So far as the Confederacy was concerned,
this act of their Congress gave full consent; but the
United States still objected, nor had the propositions been
concurred in by all other nations. This same Congress
empowered President Davis to appoint two commissioners,
with full powers, to proceed to Great Britain and other

32 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

European countries, to negotiate a recognition of the
Southern Confederacy, and, if practicable, make treaties
of commerce.

Having thus briefly stated the organization, the acts,
and the position of the Southern Confederacy with regard
to financial and cotton questions — the only questions now
under consideration — we will next trace the acts of the
United States government bearing upon the same ques
tions.

When the Confederate Congress first met at Mont
gomery, Mr. Buchanan still occupied the Presidential
chair at Washington ; but he had done nothing to inter
fere with the organization of the Southern Confederacy,
nor, in his view of the case, had he any power or author
ity to interfere. One month after, on the 4th of March,
1861, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was inaugurated
President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Vice-President,
and immediately after the cabinet of Mr. Lincoln was
formed as follows :

Secretary of State Wm. H. Seward, of New York.

Secretary of the Treasury S. P. Chase, of Ohio.

Secretary of War Simon Cameron, of Penna.

Secretary of the Navy Gideon Wells, of Conn.

Secretary of the Interior Caleb B. Smith, of Ind.

Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair, of Md.

Attorney-General Edward Bates, of Mo.

After the inauguration of President Lincoln, the United
States Senate remained in session until the 28th of March,
occupied most of the time with confirmations.

Immediately after the attack upon Fort Sumter, April
I4th, 1861, President Lincoln issued a call for 75,000
troops ; called an extra session of Congress to meet on
the 4th of July following, and on the iQth of April, as
heretofore stated, issued a proclamation declaring all the
Southern ports in a state of blockade. The blockading

FARRAGUT AT MOBILE.

34

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE. 35

squadron on the Atlantic coast, on the 4th of July, 1861,
consisted of twenty-two vessels, with 290 guns and 3300
men, under command of flag-officer Stringham. The
Gulf squadron, at the same time, consisted of twenty-
one vessels, with 282 guns and 3500 men, under flag-of
ficer Mervin.

This Congress authorized a loan of $170,000,000; but
made no effort at all to negotiate a loan abroad, as it was
well understood that English capitalists were passively
hostile to the war, and, so far as they could consistently,
favored the Southern Confederacy. With them cotton
was king, and from the first moment of its life the
Southern Confederacy did what it could to increase the
love between King Cotton and his British admirers. In
deed, it was felt all over the North (and hoped for in the
South) that there was some danger of European inter
ference, since the desire for cotton, the eagerness for free
^trade, and the hope of immediate gain might prompt to
an interference which the aristocratic element of Great
Britain, and the friends of despotism in France, would
have rejoiced to see undertaken.

Not long after the United States government had given
notice to other nations of the blockading of Southern
ports, efforts were made to break or disregard it. Liver
pool merchants claimed that, under the treaty between this
country and Great Britain, they had the right to enter
any port of the United States, and that the attempt to
enforce the blockade against British ships was an infringe
ment of national law. The English government having
already recognized the blockade as a belligerent right,
the British minister in reply told the Liverpool merchants
that "if any British ship, being a neutral, knowingly
attempts to break an effective blockade, she is liable to
capture and condemnation."

Notwithstanding this notification, scores of British mer-

36 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

chants resolved to take the risk of running the blockade,
because of the immense profits to be made therefrom.
To buy cotton for ten cents, and then sell it for thirty
cents, per pound, and then to pay the ten cents in arms,
accoutrements, and other English manufactured goods,
on which they could make a profit of at least one hun
dred per cent, were opportunities which seldom occurred,
and which, in their estimation, would justify great risks.
Nor were British merchants the only ones who took this
view of the case, as the sequel of this history will show.
The merchants and other moneyed men of New York,
Philadelphia, and Baltimore were just as eager for the
" almighty dollar," and were quite as ready to take risks
to obtain it. The risk was lessened from the fact that
the coast to be guarded extended over three thousand
miles ; that the number of vessels to guard it (heretofore
given) were but few in proportion to the length of coast;
and that the Southern Confederacy was as anxious to^
have them bring their goods and take their cotton in
exchange, as English and Northern merchants were to
do it. Every Confederate fort and every Confederate
soldier was ready to render all the aid possible to every
blockade runner, no matter whether from London, Liver
pool, Nassau, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore. As
an evidence of the extent to which trade by blockade
running was carried on, it has been estimated that the
amount of ships and cargoes sent in by English capital
ists to the one port of Wilmington, N. C., from Janu
ary, 1863, to December, 1864, amounted to $66,000,000.
What, meanwhile, was the extent of trade between Wil
mington and other Southern ports with New York, Phila
delphia, and Baltimore capitalists is not known, but
probably as great, if not greater, than with English
capitalists.

Another fact, which greatly contributed to blockade

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE. 37

running and other clandestine trade, was that all through
the North there were warm sympathizers with the South
— some of whom had been born in the South, others had
relatives and friends there, others had had extensive
business relations with Southern men, and still others
sympathized with the South from a political standpoint —
each and all of whom were ready to help the South in
any way they could; and yet to save themselves from
censure, if not from arrest, felt obliged to call themselves
" Union " men. These men were everywhere, and often
where least suspected.

Kattell, in his " History of the Great Rebellion," in
writing of the difficulties under which President Lin
coln's administration labored for the first few months,
says : " The diplomatic corps abroad and the incumbents
of office at the North were most of them inclined to
thwart the action of the new administration, and in their
train was a large number of active men on whom the
government could not depend, if it had no opposition to
encounter. The new administration found itself thus
completely in the power of the secession party, and all
its secrets, from the cabinet debates to the details of
orders, were known to the South. The bureaus of the
departments, the judiciary, the army and navy, and the
offices were all filled with persons who were eagerly
watching to catch up and transmit every item of informa
tion that might aid the Confederates, or thwart the gov
ernment."

The above is true so far as it goes, but it is only a very
small part of the whole truth — not the one hundredth
part of what we now know to be true, some parts of which
will be told in the following pages.

Macaulay's description of the condition of England,
immediately preceding the signing of the treaty of Rys-
wick, portrays the condition of the United States gov-
4

38 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ernment during a portion, if not during the whole time
of the war, quite as well as if written for the purpose.
He says : " Her secret enemies had commanded her fleets
and armies, had ministered at her altars, had taught at
her universities, had swarmed in her public offices, had
sat in her Parliament, had bowed and fawned in the bed
chamber of her King." The facts and incidents hereafter
to be related will show, in part, and would show wholly,
if all were told that is known, that what Macaulay says
of the condition of England from 1689 to 1697, was no
less true of the United States from 1861 to 1865. Of
course, all this inured greatly to the benefit of the South
ern Confederacy, but was as greatly detrimental to the
United States government, and at times made final suc
cess seem very doubtful, if not impossible.

40

CHAPTER III.

ESTABLISHING STATIONS— FIRST TRIP AND FIRST
PASSENGERS.

BRAINS AND CAUTION SHIFTING THE SCENES.

^PHE battle of Gettysburg, fought on the 2d and
1 3d of July, 1863, was one of the most important,
if not the most important, battle of the whole war. The
conflict had now been going on for over two years with
varying success. Each side had used its utmost efforts
for success, and to the general public the end seemed no
nearer than in the beginning ; but those behind the
scenes saw things in a different light, and especially was
this true of President Davis and his cabinet. While he
and they well understood the advantages of keeping up a
fair outside show, they knew equally well that the pro
portion of strength had greatly changed between the
North and the South. Commencing with proportions of
two to one (20 to 10) they had reached the proportions
of three to one (15 to 5), and another such battle as that
which had just occurred — in which the losses on both
sides were immense, and in which both sides thought
themselves defeated, and were making preparations for
retreat on the day following — would make the dispropor
tion still greater.

They knew, too, that every day made their situation
more and more desperate ; that every day increased the
effectiveness of the blockade; that food, clothing, and all
the necessaries of life were every day becoming scarcer;
and while they still had almost any quantity of cotton,

42 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

they knew the people could not eat that, and unless some
new source of nutrition for the Confederacy could be
opened, it must soon succumb from mere exhaustion.
To add still further to the difficulty, their communication
with the North seemed about to be cut off entirely. Up
to that time tfreir letters from their Northern sympa
thizers, from England, and from other parts of the world,
had reached them through blockade-runners, mostly by
the way of Nassau ; but the recent capture of some of
these blockade-runners, and the stricter watch now kept
.by the United States blockading squadron, made this
source look more and more doubtful, and certainly less
and less reliable.

Mr. Davis, when United States Senator and when Sec
retary of War, had credit for brains and great shrewdness;
but never did he need them so much as now, and as " ne
cessity is the mother of invention," the fact of the need
called forth from his fertile brain a plan of domestic
diplomacy which would have done credit to Pitt in his
palmiest days. However good a conception or plan may
be, still it is of no use unless it can be put into execution,
and just here was President Davis's greatest trouble. He
had scores of officers about him ready to do his slightest
bidding, but among them all he could think of no one
exactly fitted for the kind of service he then had in view.
When in his greatest distress of mind, walking the floor
for hours at a time, thinking, thinking, thinking, it hap
pened that Colonel Ralph Abercrombie, who was in com
mand of a Louisiana regiment in General A. P. Hill's
corps, came into Richmond, and, as was his custom, called
immediately at the executive mansion. The Colonel had
been known to Mr. and Mrs. Davis since. a boy. Mr.
Davis, when Secretary of War, had appointed him to a
lieutenancy in the regular army. Both Mr. and Mrs.
Davis were on the most intimate terms with his wid-

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 43

owed mother, and though the Colonel was now about
thirty years of age, they still called him Ralph.

When, on this visit, he observed the President's anxiety,
he naturally inquired the cause, and soon learned from
Mr. Davis the outlines of his plan. The Colonel at once
offered his services to put the President's plan into execu
tion, only suggesting that, instead of opening the route
to Washington via Chesapeake Bay and Leonardstown,
Md., he would prefer a more northern route, for the reason
that he was better acquainted with the Potomac between
the Great Falls and Cumberland than with the route pro
posed by President Davis. When a lad, he had attended
St. James' College, near Hagerstown, Md., and, by fre
quent drives through the country, had learned every foot
of ground between that point and Washington city.

Mr. Davis listened attentively, and when the Colonel
had finished, he quickly replied that his offer of services
had relieved his mind of a great anxiety ; that he would
accept them most gladly ; and that he would agree to any
route upon which the Colonel might fix. He told the
Colonel, in addition, that he would appoint, to assist him,
any one whom he might name, and that in opening and
establishing the route he could employ whoever he
pleased, and use any amount of funds that might seem
necessary, as the project involved millions of money, if
not the very life of the Confederacy ; and that the few
thousands it might cost would only be as dust in the
balance, as compared with the advantages to be gained.

Colonel Abercrombie immediately turned over the com
mand of his regiment to Major Charles Hall (the Lieuten
ant-Colonel, John H. Black, being on sick leave from a
wound received at Gettysburg), and entered upon the duty
of opening this new route to Washington. From Richmond
to Orange Court-House (General Lee's headquarters) was
by rail, and involved no difficulty. From thence to the

44 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Rapidan River, on the southerly side of which lay the Con
federate army, and on the northerly side the Union army,
was easy enough ; but from thence, to first get through
the Union line of pickets, and then traverse about seventy
miles of country, until the Potomac was reached at or
near the Great Falls, about twelve miles above Washing
ton, was the tug of war. To establish this latter part of
the route involved the employment of about twenty men
— some as guides from point to point ; some to furnish
horses, or other conveyances, to the blockade-runners
and their passenger guests; some to entertain and con
ceal them whenever they came that way; some to be on
the constant lookout, and pass the word from post to
post, if any danger threatened the blockade-runners or
any of their employees ; some to row them across the
Potomac, and meanwhile keep their boats concealed from
the eyes of Union troops and guards ; and others to pass
them through safely from the Great Falls to Washington
and return. The men so employed included planters or
farmers, doctors, merchants, and day-laborers, all of whom
received pay for their services from the Confederacy,
through the hands of Colonel Abercrombie or Colonel Kill-
gore. Besides these, the guides had under pay three old
negro women, at whose huts they stopped and concealed
themselves and guests, whenever occasion required. At
Great Falls, Messrs. Garrett & Morse, merchants, were the
principal agents. Upon them depended mainly the keep
ing open of the line from that point to Washington city; the
crossing of the Potomac at or near that point; and to see
that the guides on the Virginia side of the Potomac were
always ready for service. At Washington city the grand
depot, or end of the line, was at Ben Beveridge's saloon,
and the " Washington House," kept by Ben's mother, at
the corner of Third Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. Ben
furnished the disguises for both conductors and passengers

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 45

on this line, and was always ready to lend a helping
hand in any way in which his services could be made
available. His first advance pay for services was two
thousand dollars in gold, to which additions were made
from time to time until he received from eight thousand
to ten thousand dollars, all in gold. All these men were
in entire sympathy with the Southern Confederacy, and
nearly all offered their services gratuitously when first
spoken to on the subject by Colonel Abercrombie ; but his
plan was to bind every man to greater faithfulness by
having him to accept pay from the Confederacy, and hence
he would not accept of gratuitous service from any one.
How many thousands or tens of thousands of dollars were
distributed by Colonel Abercrombie and Colonel Kiilgore,
for the Confederacy, in this service, we are unable to say,
but certainly a good many. It took about six weeks of
faithful service for Colonel Abercrombie to open this new
line, and, when completed, he returned to Richmond and
reported to President Davis that the line was now ready
for business.

Mr. Davis approved of all that had been done, and
asked Colonel Abercrombie whom he would have as an
assistant. The Colonel named his personal friend, Colonel
Newton Killgore, who was then on detached service at
Charleston, S. C. Killgore was a graduate of West Point,
and a Lieutenant in the Topographical Engineer Corps,
U. S. A., previous to the breaking out of the war. He
was then about twenty-seven years of age, active, ener
getic, wide-awake, and just the man, as Colonel Abercrom
bie thought, for such service. Mr. Davis sent for him, and
after explaining the kind of service to be done, placed
him upon the duty, and directed him to hold himself in
constant readiness for orders, which he did from that time
forth.

The first service, on this new line, required by Presideir

46 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Davis of Colonel Abercrombie, was to carry eleven letters
to, and open personal negotiations with, Major Weightman,
of Washington; George Thomas, John P. Grundy, Alexan
der Gibson, of Baltimore ; Dr. Charles Howell, C. C. Pol
lard, George J. Platt, of Philadelphia; Mr. McLane, Presi
dent of the New York Pacific Mail Steamship Company,
Mr. Waddell, of the same company, and John Lamb and
Alexander Goldsmith, brokers, of New York city.

With Major Weightman Mr. Davis had been on most
intimate terms of friendship for many years. Both were
Mississippians, both had been in the Mexican war, where
Major Weightman gained considerable notoriety, was
badly wounded, returned home, married a rich lady at
Jackson, Miss, (a Miss Willowby), resigned his commis
sion in the regular army, removed to Washington, and from
thenceforth lived a quiet, retired life in that city. When
the war broke out between the North and South, Major
Weightman still continued his residence in Washington
city, and soon became on most intimate terms with Sec
retary Seward and President Lincoln. When rallied about
his position, he always replied that he was " a Union man,"
and there left it. His word was regarded as law, and no
one questioned him further. Meanwhile, however, all his
sympathies were with the South, and he was in almost
constant communication with Mr. Davis. Through him
Mr. Davis first learned of these other gentlemen to whom
he now wrote, and with some of whom he had, after learn
ing of them, kept up a correspondence. Mr. Davis now
wanted arms, provisions, clothing, while these gentlemen,
he knew, wanted cotton, and the object of the present
letters and negotiations was to exchange the one for the
other — to the great advantage of the Confederacy, and
with immense profit to those who might take part in the
speculation. The Confederacy had taken in exchange for
bonds, had taken for taxes, and had otherwise become in

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 4/

possession of millions upon millions of dollars' worth of
cotton. The gentlemen to whom these letters were ad
dressed possessed, or could control, millions upon millions
of dollars in money, and with this money could purchase
what the South then stood so much in need of — arms,
food, and clothing. The cotton was greatly needed by
American and English manufacturers, and could be sold
at a price five times greater than Mr. Davis would sell it
to them for. On the goods which they would exchange
for the cotton, immense profits could be made. The only
difficulty was in getting the cotton out of the Confederacy,
or in securing it from destruction while it had to remain
there. To effect this they must either run the blockade,
or so cajole President Lincoln, his cabinet, and his gen
erals in the field as to secure the cotton whenever the
Union armies reached the places where the cotton was
deposited. The risk in all this was considerable, but the
immense profits to be gained far more than overbalanced
the risks.

On reaching Washington, Colonel Abercrombie went
directly to the house of Major Weightman. The two
soon after met at Ben Beveridge's, and then and there
negotiated for a suite of rooms in the "Washington
House," to be all the time kept for the agents of, and all
the while paid for by, the Southern Confederacy. An
order for two thousand dollars in gold was handed Ben
Beveridge at once, as an earnest of what he might expect
if he proved faithful and true. Three days after, Major
Weightman and Colonel Abercrombie went to Baltimore
to call upon Mr. George Thomas. After the delivery of
President Davis's letter, and a general talk over the mat
ters to which the letter referred, Mr. Thomas concluded
to call together a few well known Southern sympathizers
at a dinner-party next day, when and where the whole
subject could be thoroughly canvassed. The dinner came

48 SECRETS OF THE. LATE REBELLION.

off next day, as proposed, and around the table were gath
ered the following well-known gentlemen : Mr. George
Thomas, John P. Grundy, Dr. Leslie Buckler, Alexander
R. Gibson, Major Weightman, Colonel Abercrombie, James
Wilson, J. W. Jenkins. The result of this conference was
entirely in favor of President- Davis's wishes.

Next day Major Weightman and Colonel Abercrombie,
accompanied by Mr. James Wilson, went to Philadelphia,
and called at once upon Dr. Charles Howell, then living
on Rittenhouse Square. After delivery of letters and
talking over matters somewhat, Dr. Howell, like Mr.
Thomas, decided to call together at a dinner-party next
day a few well-known Southern sympathizers, when and
where the whole subject could be thoroughly discussed.
This was done, and the following gentlemen were present:
Dr. Charles Howell, C. C. Pollard, George J. Platt, Philip
Swift, Charles H. Mason, Jacob Florence, Major Weight
man, Colonel Abercrombie, and Messrs McLane, Lamb,
and Waddell, of the New York Pacific Mail Steamship
Co., who had been invited by telegraph. Here, too, the
result of the conference was entirely favorable to Mr.
Davis's wishes ; but, before a final conclusion of the ne
gotiations, it was deemed best that Messrs Lamb and
Waddell should accompany Colonel Abercrombie back to
Richmond, see President Davis personally, take a general
trip through the Confederate States, and, on their return,
report to an adjourned meeting. Meanwhile, whatever
funds Mr. Davis might need should be furnished Major
Weightman, to be deposited by him with Mr. Riggs, the
banker at Washington, to the credit of the Southern
Confederacy.

These arrangements were all satisfactory to Colonel
Abercrombie except the piloting of Messrs. Lamb and
Waddell through the Union lines to Richmond. This,
he feared, would be a difficult, if not an impossible, task.

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 49

While he recognized the fact that both these gentlemen
might sit in their Wall Street banking-offices with all the
dignity of a Sir Josiah Child, or grace a lady's parlor
with all the urbanity of a Lord Chesterfield, yet he
feared that when disguised as farmers or day-laborers,
when required to tug along on foot for several miles at a
time, and then ride, pell-mell, on horseback for a score
of miles at a time ; when compelled to sleep in garrets or
in the loft of a negro-hut ; when required to prevaricate,
or even to* lie, in order to get by a Union sentinel, they
might not be quite equal to the occasion. The Colonel
tried to persuade them to go by the way of Nassau, and
from there run the blockade into Charleston, as he him
self had done when he first entered the Confederate
States ; but the more he tried to persuade them to this
course, the more determined they were to go with him.
Over the difficulties and hardships mentioned by the
Colonel, they only laughed, said they could stand it all,
that it would be as holiday- sport to them, and that, in a
day or two, both would meet the Colonel at Ben Bever-
idge's, in Washington, and from thence make their way
with him to Richmond.

The third day after, Messrs. Lamb and Waddell were
in Washington, and that night, between eleven and twelve
o'clock, left Beveridge's, en route for Richmond. Ben and
Weightman accompanied them to a Mr. Thecker's house,
in Georgetown, where the disguises were to be put on.
Lamb first placed himself in the hands of the manipu
lators. He had been wearing long chin whiskers ; these
Ben cut off at one fell swoop, leaving his face as bare as
a child's. Next, his hair was nicked and chopped over,
as if done with a pair of sheep-shears, in the hands of a
country bumpkin, instead of by a Broadway barber. Then
he was stripped of his latest-fashioned coat, vest, and
pants, and in their place was supplied with a suit which
5 D

5O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

would have done credit to an ox-team driver. Waddell
came next. His magnificent beard, covering his entire face,
was cut clean off, and, in place thereof, two false " mutton-
chop " side whiskers and a false moustache, both butter
nut-color, were put on his face. Next, Ben applied the
shears to Waddell's head, and pretty soon his hair pre
sented the appearance of a country ox driver's. Then
he, too, was stripped of his Broadway suit, and in a few
minutes transmogrified into a fat, jolly farmer, or a Cones-
toga team-driver. The Colonel was already itj disguise,
and had been ever since he left his uniform at Mr. Joseph
Mix's, about eleven miles within the Confederate lines,
and now it only required a little touching up, which the
Colonel did for himself while the others were laughing
over their own outlandish appearance.

About one o'clock in the morning all were ready for a
start. Ben consented to go along until the first guard
was passed — Major Weightman to wait at Thecker's un
til Ben returned. It was the latter part of August, 1863,
and the nights, just then, were not only very warm, but
very dark. Ben led the way, Lamb and Waddell fol
lowed, and the Colonel served as rear-guard. When Ben,
who was several hundred yards in advance, reached the
canal-lock, near which a guard was stationed, he played
the drunkard, and cursed the lock-tender loud enough
for the guard to hear. The lock-tender was one of the
Colonel's men, and in the pay of the Confederacy. He
knew Ben's voice, and knew, too, that the Colonel was
not far off. Ben told the lock-tender, in a voice loud
enough for the guard to hear, that he had plenty of
whiskey and plenty of cigars in his pockets, and wondered
if the guard would n't like some. The lock-tender thought
it probable, whereupon Ben staggered off towards the
guard, flourishing a bottle of whiskey as he went, and cry
ing out to the guard, "Don't shoot ! Don't shoot ! " The

PICKET-DUTY DURING THE WAR.

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 53

bait took. The guard gave no challenge — allowed Ben
to approach him — took a good swig of whiskey from Ben's
bottle — lit a cigar which Ben had handed him — entered into
a rip-raving-swearing conversation with Ben ; and, while
all this was going on, the Colonel and his guests slipped
quietly by, and were a good half-mile beyond the guard
before Ben bade him good-night.

A further walk on the tow-path of the Chesapeake and
Ohio canal, for over two miles, brought the three travel
lers to Widow Ennis's farm- and lock-house. She was in
the pay of the Confederacy ; and within a half-hour from
the time of reaching there, the three travellers were in the
saddle, and, accompanied by her son, to bring the horses
back, on their way to the Great Falls. They rode along at
a brisk trot, and part of the time the New York gentlemen
were nearer the ears than the tails of their horses, never
theless they managed to hold on, and, after a ride of nine
miles, reached Hendrickson's, about a half-mile from the
Falls. Here they dismounted. Joseph took the horses
back to his mother's stable, while our three travellers
walked on, about one mile, until they reached the garden-
fence in the rear of the hotel, which they clambered over,
or through, and finally got into the back-building of the
hotel, through a private door. The Colonel knew all the
points, and Lamb and Waddell had only to follow him to
secure themselves and him from observance by the Union
sentinel, whose station was but a little way from the front
of the hotel. At Hendrickson's they left the main road,
and followed a by-path until they reached the garden in
the rear of the hotel. In creeping through the garden-
fence, Waddell tore his coat badly about the shoulder,
which distressed him not a little, and for which he was
heartily laughed at by his companions. Mr. Morse, who
kept the hotel, was soon with his back-door customers,
5*

54 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

and certainly no guests ever received a more hearty wel
come.

Great Falls, it may here be said, once for all, is neither
a town nor a village; but consists of a large three-story
stone building, used as a hotel for summer visitors, and as
a private residence in the winter, and a large store-build
ing, with numerous out-houses, used for transportation
purposes — all of which belong to the Chesapeake and
Ohio Canal Company ; but were at this time rented, and
the business carried on by Messrs. Garrett & Morse, the
former of whom gave more especial attention to the store,
and the latter to the hotel. Both were Marylanders ; both
sympathized heartily with the Southern cause, though
nominally "strong Union men;" both were under the pay
of the Confederacy ; and both, or as a firm, received from
the Southern Confederacy, at different times, through the
hands of Colonels Abercrombie and Killgore, sums in gold
amounting to between six and eight thousand dollars.
Both were first-class business men, of high character,
and, from their love of the Southern cause, would, doubt
less, have rendered it all the aid they could had they not
received one cent of pay ; but such was not the policy of
President Davis or his agents. They insisted that all who
aided should be paid, and so long as cotton could be con
verted into gold, this was possible, and certainly the true
policy.

It was now about three o'clock in the morning, but the
Colonel would not retire until he had sent for, and con
sulted with, Garrett, as to future movements. From him
the Colonel learned that the line was open, and in good
working order, that guide No. I would be on hand the
next night to row them across the Potomac, and conduct
them to guide No. 2, and that, meanwhile, all three should
retire, and keep themselves entirely out of sight until the
following night. The retiring and resting part suited

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 55

Lamb and Waddell exactly. Both were thoroughly tired
from their long walk and horseback ride, neither being at
all used to that kind of exercise. Lamb was then about
fifty, Waddell about forty years of age ; the first was lean,
the latter fat ; both knew how to handle gold and green
backs, but neither knew how to handle reins or sit a sad
dle, especially when on the back of a rough trotting
country farm-horse. Their feet would slip through the
stirrups; in descending hill, they would, somehow or
other, slip from their saddles towards the ears of their
horses ; and in going up hill it was with difficulty they
kept from slipping off their saddles towards their horses'
tails. They knew how to walk Broadway and Wall
Street with as much grace as a French dancing-master ;
but when it came to walking on the tow-path of a canal,
to creeping through garden-fences, and such like perform
ances, neither of them could do it half as well as a country
clod-hopper. Bed! rest! of course they were ready for
bed and rest, and the sooner the better ; and, suiting the
action to the word, both were soon in bed, and snoring
away for dear life.

For some cause or other, guide No. I did not put in an
appearance next night, and our travellers were obliged to
keep themselves concealed for another day. The follow
ing night, however, he came, and between nine and ten
o'clock the three slipped out of the back-door of the
hotel, made their way to the boat, which was in waiting
about a mile up the Potomac, were rowed across by the
guide, then walked about a mile to a negro-hut, and then
about three miles more to a farm-house. Here horses
were procured, and then for about thirty miles, mostly
through private lanes and pig-paths, through woods and
over fields, over torn-down fences and through open gates,
they trudged along until they reached the farm-house of
Dr. Carrico. It was now nearly daybreak, and our trav-

$6 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ellers were thoroughly tired out. The Doctor, who was
in the pay of the Confederacy, though within the Union
lines, and nominally a " Union man," received the travel
lers with open arms, and in a little while had them safely
tucked away in bed-chambers, where the eye of no chance
Union soldier or visitor could see them.

Here they remained until the next night. Then with
a new guide (guide No. 2 having returned with the horses)
they left Dr. Carrico's shortly after nightfall, and, upon
horses furnished by the Doctor, rode about thirty-two
miles to the farm and mill of Mr. Henry Budd. In this
long ride, like the other, most of the way had to be made
through private roads and pig-paths, as Union forces were
in all that country, and on the public highways there was
danger of meeting Union cavalry or infantry, as patrols
or sentinels, at any moment. It was about three o'clock
in the morning when they reached Budd's mills. Just
before reaching there our travellers dismounted, and the
horses were slipped into Budd's stable, as there was a Union
sentinel at this mill who could not be passed on horse
back, and with whom some diplomacy had to be used to
get by at all. To effect this, the Colonel, Lamb, and
Waddell approached as near the mill as possible, and
then secreted themselves, while the guide (No. 3) went
forward to interest the sentinel in conversation, until
they could slip by. The guide knew everybody in that
neighborhood, and fortunately, knew the sentinel, so that
with lively conversation, and an occasional drink from a
well-filled canteen, he soon had the sentinel so engrossed
that the three travellers stepped across the mill-race,
slipped around on the other side of the mill, and soon
were a good half-mile beyond the sentinel. Here they
waited in a woods for their guide to come up. He, on
the plea that he was going to see an " uncle" on the other

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 57

side, got away from the sentinel erelong, and soon after
overtook the three travellers.

From the point where the guide rejoined them, all four
walked to the farm-house of Mr. Jonathan Brisco, about
four miles from Budd's mill. Here a Union sentinel had
been placed as a safeguard, while easterly and westerly
from the house, sentinels were placed only a little way
apart. This was the extreme outer line of the Union
army, and was guarded, of course, with extra vigilance.
If once through this line our travellers thenceforth would
be within the lines of the Confederate army and entirely
safe, but just how to get through was now the problem
to be solved. The plan resolved upon was that Colonel
Abercrombie, Lamb, and Waddell should remain concealed
some distance from the house, while the guide should go
forward and make arrangements with the sentinel to allow
the three to come up and go into the house to see his
"uncle," and then, while he interested the guard with
lively conversation and occasional drinks of whiskey, the
three to slip out of the back-door, down through the
garden, over a meadow, through a creek, and as far and
as fast as possible in the pines beyond. The plan all
worked like a charm, except that while the three were
making their way from the house the sentinel chanced
to observe them. He at once asked the guide what it
meant. The guide replied that they were going to another
neighbor's house, a little beyond, to see about some corn,
and would soon return to remain the balance of the night
with his " uncle." The sentinel still seemed troubled about
having let the three men pass his post, and the guide, see
ing this, and wanting to keep in the good graces of the
Union sentinel, as he might need his services again, slipped
fifty dollars in gold (which the Colonel had handed him
for the purpose) into the sentinel's hand, which at once
eased his mind and made everything seem exactly right.

58 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

From this point the three travellers walked about six
miles to Mr. Andrew Mitchell's. Here they procured
horses, mounted at once, and rode thirteen miles, to Mr.
Walter Randolph's, near a railroad station called China
Grove, about ten miles north-easterly from Orange Court-
House. Probably no three travellers ever rejoiced more
over the completion of a trip than these three on reach
ing China Grove station. They were now among friends,
and from this point they could go by railroad to Rich
mond. The Colonel soon doffed his disguise, and was
again in the uniform he had left there when on his way
to Washington. Messrs. Lamb and Waddell could not
procure new suits until they reached Richmond, and
therefore had to content themselves with the old until
then. About ten o'clock the cars came along, our three
travellers jumped aboard, and within an hour were at
Orange Court-House, seated around the best breakfast
that mine host of Freeman's Hotel could get up. At
two P. M. they took the cars for Richmond, and before
nightfall were at the Spottsylvania Hotel, in the capital
of the Southern Confederacy.

Next morning early, Messrs. Lamb and Waddell were
in quest of new suits, which they obtained from a ready-
made clothing-store, not far from the hotel. Next, they
went to Mowrey's banking-house to exchange some of
their gold for Confederate notes, which at that time was
exchangeable at the rate of eight dollars in Confederate
notes for one dollar in gold. Then they returned to the
hotel, and soon after were introduced to President Davis's
private secretary, N. Burton Harris, Esq. He took them
to the Executive Mansion and introduced them to Mr.
Davis. With him they had a long conference on busi
ness affairs, after which he introduced them to and put
them in special care of certain prominent gentlemen at
the capital, whose duty and pleasure it would be to give

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 59

them such additional information as they might need,
and accompany them to such other cities of the Confed
eracy as they might desire to visit. The Colonel called
upon the President the same evening, made a full report
of all that he had seen and heard and done while at the
North, and then left to visit his regiment, which lay near
Gordonsville.

Messrs. Lamb and Waddell, after spending a few more
days in and about Richmond, seeing what was to be seen
and learning what was to be learned, left for Newbern,
Wilmington, Charleston, Savannah, Mobile, and other
places where Confederate cotton was in store. At all
these points they found immense quantities of cotton,
some of which they were told had been seven years gath
ered, and held meanwhile for better prices. At each
place they found government agents, and others, who
assured them that the cotton could be got through the
blockade, if they only had ships on which to load it.

They saw, too, at every place they visited, a determined
spirit on the part of the people never to give over the
struggle, until their separation was achieved. Of course
they did not see, and great care was taken that they
should not see, anything like destitution among the
people. The tables which they saw were all well spread,
though it took the last loaf of bread. from the pantry or
the last pickle from the jar. It was a part of the mas
terly diplomacy of President Davis, and of those who
surrounded and upheld his hands, never to show a want,
or cry peccavi, where a Northern ear could see the one or
hear the other. " Not one cent for tribute, but millions
for defence," was their cry from first to last, — was their
cry, indeed, until, when the egg was finally broken,
nothing was found but an empty shell.

Having finished their journey through the States of the
Confederacy, occupying between two and three weeks,

60 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Messrs Lamb and Waddell returned to Richmond and
reported to President Davis that they were entirely sat
isfied with what they had seen and heard, and that, so
soon as they could report the facts to Messrs McLane,
Thomas, Howell, and others, there would be no difficulty
whatever in his obtaining all the money and all the sup
plies he might at any time need in exchange for cotton.
Colonel Abercrombie was then telegraphed for, and on
the day following reported at the Executive Mansion.
From <he President he received full instructions as to
further operations. He then informed Messrs Lamb and
Waddell that he was now ready to conduct them back to
Washington. Next day they started by rail for China
Grove station. Here, at Mr. Randolph's, they exchanged
uniform and fashionable suits for their former disguises,
and from thence traversed about the same route, rode and
walked about the same distances, met with about the same
incidents as when on the outward trip, until they finally
reached Ben Beveridge's in Washington city. Here they
met Major Weightman and informed him of all they had
seen and learned. Then on to Baltimore, where they
called upon, and reported to, Mr. Thomas and his asso
ciates. From this point the Colonel returned to Wash
ington, while Messrs Lamb and Waddell went on to Phil
adelphia, where they reported to Dr. Howell and his as
sociates ; and then to New York, where they reported to
Mr. McLane and others. All to whom they reported
expressed entire satisfaction as to the result of their trip,
and were ready to invest in the enterprise to the extent
of their means. Not long after, a general meeting of all
the " cotton ring " associates was held at Dr. Howell's, in
Philadelphia, when plans were perfected to charter or
purchase ships to send to Newbern, North Carolina, to
be freighted with needed articles outward and cotton in
ward. It so happened that three of their vessels were

ESTABLISHING STATIONS. 6l

seized by the blockading squadron, not many weeks after,
and this for a time threw a cloud over their enterprise ;
but so soon as the loss was reported to Mr. Davis he gave
them enough additional cotton to make up for the loss
of the three vessels and their cargoes. From thenceforth
they met with but few, if any, losses, though they con
tinued operations, at various points along the coast, until
the fall of Fort Fisher, on the 1 5th of January, 1865.
How much the "ring" made in their cotton operations
it would be impossible to say ; but we have it from an
intimate friend of Mr. Gilmore Meredith's, of Baltimore,
that his share of the profits amounted to a " million of
money," and if his share reached that amount, others,
whose investments were far greater, must have reaped
still larger amounts.

This cotton ring, made up of the gentlemen whom we
have heretofore named as seated around the dinner-tables
of Messrs. Thomas and Howell (besides Messrs. Gilmore
Meredith, of Baltimore, Samuel Harding, Alphonso Lip-
pincott, and Alexander Goldsmith, of New York), must
not be confounded with the one, or more, mentioned by
General L. C. Baker, chief of the national detective po
lice, in his letter of January 30, 1865, to Hon. E. B. Wash-
burne, chairman of committee on commerce, in which the
names of Thurlow Weed, Ward Lamon, Leonard I. Sweat,
Wm. P. Dole, D. Randolph Martin, B. F. Camp, Prescott
Smith, A. H. Lazare, H. A. Risley, T. C. Durant, Samuel
Norris, and Simeon Draper, occur as playing principal
parts.

These last named gentlemen were nearly all avowed
Republicans, and several of them personal and intimate
friends of President Lincoln and Secretary Seward. The
others were mostly avowed Southern sympathizers (though
nominally " Union men "), and some of them had long
known, and been on most intimate personal terms with,
6

62 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

President Davis, besides having friends and relatives scat
tered all over the South. The one had no object but to
make the almighty dollar. The other had friendship, as
well as the almighty dollar, as a basis for action. Which
of the two is most to be commended, or most to be con
demned, each reader must decide for himself.

And before closing this chapter we again beg to say —
as stated in the introductory chapter — that, while vouch
ing for facts, we cannot in every instance vouch for the
names and dates given throughout this volume. Our in
formants in every case meant to give us exact names and
exact dates ; but the many years elapsing between the
events and the relating of them to us, had caused a par
tial forgetting of names and dates, although the incidents
remained as fresh in the minds of the relators as though
they had occurred but the day before. In second and all
subsequent editions of this work, these errors (if such
there be) will stand corrected, for so soon as this work
gets before the public, errors, if any there be, will doubt
less be observed and corrected by such as were, or are,
cognizant of the facts. The author most earnestly invites
such corrections, or any others that may be found in the
work, as his aim from the first has been to "set down
naught in malice," nor to say anything of anybody, or in
the relating of any event, but what is strictly true.

64

CHAPTER IV.

ANOTHER CONDUCTOR ON THE NEW LINE.
CAUTION SLIDING THE SCENES.

IN the preceding chapter, mention is made of the fact
that President Davis placed Colonel Newton Killgore
on this same service ; and in the same paragraph a brief
account is given of his accomplishments, and the position
he held in the United States army previous to the war.
In this chapter we purpose to give a bird's-eye view of
his services as conductor on this new line, for running the
land blockade.

Not long after the time when Colonel Abercrombie had
started on his first trip for Washington, President Davis
sent for Colonel Killgore, and desired him to carry an
order for arms and ammunition to Major Weightman, of
Washington. He was directed, however, to await, at
China Grove station, Colonel Abercrombie's return to
that point, and then to go on or return to Richmond,
according as the negotiation of Colonel Abercrombie had
been successful or otherwise. Accordingly, when Messrs.
Abercrombie, Lamb, and Waddell reached Mr. Randolph's,
they found Colonel Killgore awaiting them. A consulta
tion resulted in sending him forward on his mission with
all convenient speed.

His general route was the same as that over which our
three travellers had just passed ; his stopping places the
same ; his guides the same ; and in due time he found
himself in the rooms of the Confederacy at Ben Bever-
idge's. Ben sent for Major Weightman. To him Col-
6* E 65

66 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

onel Killgore delivered his orders, letters, and verbal mes
sages ; received from the Major whatever of information
and messages he had to send to President Davis, and
within six hours was ready to start on his return trip for
Richmond. He returned as he went, and within five days
from the time of leaving Washington stood in the pres
ence of Mr. Davis, ready to give an account of his mis
sion. Everything had been done to the entire satisfac
tion of the President, and the Colonel was directed to
hold himself in constant readiness for like orders.

After this, Colonel Killgore made frequent trips between
Richmond and Washington. Of course he wore a dis
guise, and acted the part of a green country bumpkin :
and so well did he wear the one, and assume the other,
that never, but on two occasions, did he meet with inci
dents worthy of special record.

The first of these occurred as follows : After delivering
messages and documents to Major Weightman, he pro
ceeded to Baltimore, to deliver others to Mr. Thomas.
While at the Fountain Hotel it chanced that his false
moustache became loose, or somewhat disarranged. He
stepped before a mirror, in the public reading-room, to
readjust it, and, while doing so, observed a gentleman
watching him very closely. Leaving that hotel instantly,
he went to Barnum's, but was scarcely there before he
noticed the same gentleman, who had watched him in
the other hotel, again eyeing him closely. Soon the gen
tleman stepped up to him, and called him by his first
name. The Colonel immediately recognized him as an
old army friend, whom he had not seen for many years,
and whom he had little thought to meet there, and under
such circumstances. The gentleman was a Southerner ;
recognized, and entirely approved of the Colonel's new
position as Ambassador Extraordinary between high con
tracting parties ; and in a little while after they were

ANOTHER CONDUCTOR ON THE NEW LINE. 6/

drinking the health of each other, and confusion to their
enemies. The Colonel at first feared that one of Baker's
detectives had discovered his disguise while he was ar
ranging his moustache, as before related, and felt not a
little relieved when his observer turned out to be a friend
instead of an enemy. He never again adjusted his false
moustache in the reading-room of a hotel.

The other incident occurred as follows : He had been
to Washington, and was on his return to Richmond.
Crossing the Potomac, at a point above the Great Falls,
he was accosted by a man on the Virginia side, who
wanted to know where he had come from, and where he
was going? Colonel Killgore replied that he lived in
Maryland, not far from the Falls, and was on his way to
visit a friend on the Virginia side. Other conversation
followed, until the Colonel thought his questioner was
satisfied, though he meanwhile had fully made up his
mind that his questioner was none other than one of
General Baker's secret detectives. The Colonel finally
bade his questioner good-bye, and started to leave, when
his questioner cried out, " Stop ! I believe you are a spy
— you are my prisoner ! " " No, I am not ! " answered
Colonel Killgore, and instantly sent a bullet whizzing
into the brain of his questioner. The man fell, and died
at once. An examination of the papers upon his person
proved him to be, as the Colonel had suspected, one
of the captains of General Baker's National Detective
force. His body was left precisely where it fell, while
Colonel Killgore proceeded on his journey, and in due
time arrived in Richmond. When the body of the cap
tain was found, some days after, it was discovered that
a bullet had pierced his brain ; but it was not known then,
nor, except to a very few, was it ever known afterwards,
who sent it there. This is the first publication of the real
facts of the case, though the newspapers of the time

68 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

were full of suppositions, not one of which was true, or
anywhere near true.

Colonel Killgore continued one of the conductors on
this line until the line was closed. After the war he re
turned to Charleston, studied law, was admitted to prac
tice, and when last heard from was doing a large and
successful business, and was regarded as among the first
men of the State.

70

CHAPTER V.

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS.
DIPLOMACY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

IN September, 1863, cotton was quoted in New York
city at 70 cents, gold at $1.29. The first indicated the
great want for cotton by the manufacturers of this coun
try, of England, and of other parts of the world. The
second indicated the want of confidence, then existing,
among the moneyed men of the world in the stability of
this government.

The great divorce trial then going on in the court of
last resort — the Court of Arms — in which the South, as
representing the wife, was complainant, and the North, as
representing the husband, was defendant, had thus far
been attended with varied success. In the first contest,
at Fort Sumter, the wife spit fire at the husband, and the
husband quickly succumbed. In the second contest, at
Bull Run, the wife flew at the husband's eyes and ears,
and he, to save both, ran back to Washington. In the
next, General Lyon, on behalf of the father, made a dash
at General Price, at Booneville, Mo., when the latter sud
denly remembered that he was needed elsewhere and
left without ceremony. In Western Virginia, General
McClellan sprang for the scalp of General Garnett, when
the latter concluded that some point nearer Richmond
would be more healthy. And thus the trial had been
dragging its slow length along, sometimes favorable to the
complainant and sometimes to the defendant, up to the
time mentioned at the opening of this chapter.

72 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Meanwhile the children on both sides only seemed the
more determined to win finally, the oftener they were de
feated temporarily; and criminations and recriminations
became harsher and fiercer on both sides. The children
of the North sided with the father, and claimed that the
letter of the original contract must be kept ; that in that
contract there was no provision for divorce, nor was it ad
missible now. The children of the South sided with the
mother, and claimed that the father had ill-treated the
mother, had outgrown the mother, because of advantages
taken of her, and by every law, human and divine, she
was entitled to a divorce. The children of the North
claimed that even if a legal divorce was possible, an
equitable division of the estate was impossible. That a
considerable portion of the estate had been purchased
with blood, or treasure, or both, since marriage, and
was so located that division was impossible ; that Texas,
California, and New Mexico had cost thousands of lives
and one hundred and thirty-five millions of dollars, and
could not now be divided ; that Louisiana and the free
navigation of the Mississippi River had cost fifteen millions
of dollars, and could not now be divided ; that Florida had
been purchased of Spain at a cost of six million dollars, and
that it had cost twenty-five millions more to get the Semi-
nole Indians out of its swamps, and that it could not now be
divided. To all this the children of the South replied, that
not only what the mother had brought to the estate, but all
that had been since obtained, contiguous to that which she
had before marriage, belonged of right to her and her
alone, and that they would maintain her in this right against
all comers. The children of the North further complained
that over three millions of the children of the common
household were held in bondage by Southern masters, and
that they must be liberated ere we could hope to have
permanent peace at home, or the respect of nations

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS. 73

abroad. The children of the South replied that those
held in bondage were the descendants of Ham, whom Noah,
with God's approval, assigned to perpetual bondage to
the sons of Shem and Japhet. To this the children of
the North replied that the New Dispensation of Christ,
teaching forgiveness to all, kindness to all, love to all,
had done away with the Old Dispensation of " an eye for
an eye and a tooth for a tooth," and that the command,
" Come unto me all ye ends of the earth," included the
black man no less than the white. The children of the
South replied that they had not brought slavery into the
family, nor would they drive it out, and if others of the
household attempted to do so, they would maintain it;
and thus, too, this question stood up to the time men
tioned in the opening of this chapter.

In the second chapter of this work we mentioned the
fact that among the first acts of the first Confederate
Congress was the authorizing of a loan of $15,000,000.
Also, the fact that, at a subsequent meeting of the Con
gress at Richmond, President Davis stated in his mes
sage that " $50,000,000 had been subscribed in cotton."
In neither case was it officially stated who had subscribed
for these loans, but there is scarcely a doubt that much
the larger part was subscribed by British capitalists.
English manufacturers wanted the cotton ; English capi
talists wanted a profitable investment for their surplus
funds; the sympathies of the English nobility and of the
upper classes generally were then almost wholly with the
Southern Confederacy ; they believed, as Europeans gen
erally believed then, that the South would succeed in es
tablishing a separate government; that, whether they
succeeded or not, the English government would so far
interfere as to secure the getting of any cotton which
English manufacturers and English capitalists might pur
chase of the Confederacy; and, under all these circum-
7

74 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

stances, it is not at all surprising that a large part of the
sixty-five millions named should have been subscribed
for by British subjects ; nor is it surprising that after they
had thus subscribed, and in some cases paid their money
in advance by cashing Confederate bonds, they should
have used extraordinary means — strange and eventful
means — to secure the cotton.

Having thus made the frame and stretched on it the
canvas, we are now ready to paint the picture, and, when
finished, it will, we think, fully justify the caption given
to this chapter, " NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS" —
" Diplomacy Prompting the Actors"

In the latter part of September, 1863, Lord John Brew-
erton arrived in the city of New York direct from Lon
don. So soon as the steamer in which he came arrived
at the wharf, he directed his valet to have his baggage
taken to the Astor House, while he, taking the first cab
he found at the landing, directed the driver to drive him
with all possible speed to the office of the Pacific Mail
Steamship Company, 88 Wall Street. On reaching the
office he inquired for the president of the company, Mr.
Allan McLane, found him in, and for the next two hours
was closeted with him. That same evening Mr. McLane
called upon Lord Brewerton at the Astor House, dined
with him, and again spent several hours with him in close
and confidential conversation — mostly with regard to the
Southern Confederacy.

The two following days Lord Brewerton spent in New
York attending to various business matters, and on the
third day he and Mr. McLane went together to Baltimore.
At Philadelphia Mr. C. C. Pollard joined them. At Bal
timore they met Colonel Ralph Abercrombie, who chanced
to be in Washington at the time, and who had been tele
graphed for, through Major Weightman, to meet them at
Baltimore. That night and the following day were spent

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS. 75

in consultations with Messrs. Thomas, Grundy, Wilson,
and others. In the evening McLane and Pollard returned
to New York, while Lord Brewerton and Colonel Aber-
crombie went to Washington. They walked from the
depot direct to Ben Beveridge's, where a scene occurred
which is difficult to put upon canvas — a scene much easier
imagined than described. When the two came into the
saloon Ben was absorbed in conversation with some gen
tlemen, and did not see them enter. The Colonel, desir
ing to attract Ben's attention without calling upon him
self the attention of others, stepped up to the bar and
asked for " Bourben whiskey," putting special emphasis
on the word BOURBEN, as this was the Confederate pass-
^vord which had been agreed upon between him and Ben.
The clerk behind the bar sat a bottle of Bourbon whiskey
upon the marble counter for the Colonel to help himself;
but still Ben did not come up, and kept on chatting and
laughing with his friends. The Colonel, determining to
attract his attention, put the glass to his lips, and then,
with an oath loud enough to wake the dead, smashed the
glass into a thousand pieces on the marble counter, and
declared that such BOURBEN as that was not fit for a
dog to drink. Of course, Ben rushed to the counter to
see who had dared commit such an outrage in his saloon ;
the Lord shrank back aghast, as though an earthquake
was about to open under his feet; some Indians who
chanced to be in the saloon at the time became very
much excited and seemed about to raise a war-whoop,
and, for a moment, confusion worse confounded prevailed ;
bat so soon as Ben recognized the Colonel he compre
hended the whole situation, acknowledged that his clerk
had made a mistake in setting out some other bottle than
" Bourben," made a thousand apologies for the mistake,
and then, in a tone as mild as that of a sucking-dove, in
vited the Colonel and his friend " John " into a side room,

76 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

where they might take a drink alone by themselves. The
outsiders had been completely hoodwinked, while the in
siders had a hearty laugh all to themselves over the inci
dent and its happy ending. Major Weightman was then
sent for, and when he came he and Lord Brewerton had
a conference of some hours. When this had ended, a cab
was called, and Lord Brewerton was driven direct to the
residence of the British Minister, Lord Lyons, while the
Colonel was driven to his sister's (Mrs. Professor Joseph
H. Saxton), on Capitol Hill.

Lord Brewerton remained with Lord Lyons some days,
and then returned to New York, with the expectation of
returning at once to England ; but, on reaching there, he
found a cablegram awaiting him which required his im
mediate return to Washington to see Lord Lyons, and,
if possible, to make his way from thence to Richmond,
to see President Davis. He accordingly returned next
day to Washington, saw the British Minister, saw Colonel
Abercrombie, and finally succeeded in making arrange
ments with the latter for an overland trip to Richmond.
The Colonel explained to him the hardships which he
would have to endure in making the trip overland, and
tried hard to persuade him to return to New York and
go by the way of Nassau ; but Lord Brewerton insisted
that he could stand the hardships, and would much prefer
it to a trip by sea. He was at this time about fifty years
of age, a gentleman of high mental culture, of elegant
manners, had spent all his life in the very highest walks
of society, and had not probably ever endured one hour
of real hardship; but his health was good, and he thought
he would rather enjoy, than otherwise, the hardships of
which the Colonel spoke. At all events, he insisted upon
trying it, and so the matter was finally agreed upon.

Next night, about ten o'clock, Major Weightman and
Colonel Abercrombie left Ben Beveridge's saloon in a

NOBILITY AFTEH THE NUGGETS. 77

close carriage ; called at the English embassy for Lord
Brewerton ; then on to Thecker's, in Georgetown, where
Ben was waiting with the disguises. Here, under Ben's
skilful hands, Lord Brewerton underwent a complete
transmogrification. His mutton-chop whiskers were cut
off; his hair chipped and hacked as though done with a
broad-axe ; his fashionable suit laid aside, and a rough
farmer's suit substituted; in place of his fine patent
leather boots, a pair of negro clodhoppers were put upon
his feet; in place of his fine beaver, a coarse slouch hat;
all of which my lord enjoyed and laughed over as heartily
as the others. The Colonel being in disguise already, it
only took a rub or two here, and a scrape or two there,
to make him ready for the trip.

By midnight all were ready. As before, in the case of
Lamb and Waddell, Ben led the way, and, by playing
drunk, and treating the sentinel with whiskey and cigars,
got them safely by the first post. From there they
walked about two miles to Widow Ennis' farm-house;
thence rode to Hendrickson's, nine miles; thence walked
to the Falls, one mile. Here Garrett and Morse received
them with open arms, and furnished such refreshments as
were needed. Mrs. Morse seemed specially impressed at
the presence of a live lord, and honored the occasion by
putting on her best silk dress before coming down-stairs
to be introduced. The guide was in waiting, and within
two hours all three left their friends to cross the Potomac.
To reach the place where the boat for crossing had been
concealed required a walk of about two miles; and, when
across, it required a walk of another mile to reach the
negro hut of old "Aunt Rachel." It was now so near
daylight that the Colonel deemed it unsafe to go further,
so that all that day the three remained concealed in Aunt
Rachel's humble quarters. They could not venture out
side the door even for a moment, and at times the lore
7*

78 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

seemed in great distress at such close confinement ; but
the day wore away at last, and soon after nightfall the
three walked about four miles to Mr. Francis Latimer's.
Here the Colonel had expected to get saddle-horses, as
before, but the horses were away, and nothing remained
in the shape of a conveyance but an old mule, blind in
one eye, and a two-wheel dirt-cart. After some consul
tation and delay, it was decided to take these, and in a
little while after the blind mule and two-wheeled cart,
with an old darkey, " Uncle Jarrett," as driver, stood
before the door. Some straw had been thrown in the
cart, on which our travellers might lay ; but Mr. Latimer
thought this beneath the dignity of a live lord, and there
fore had an old splint-bottom chair set in the cart, on
which the lord might sit, while the Colonel could lay
upon the straw at his side.

The night was very dark, besides which the age and
blindness of the mule made him to stumble frequently.
They had not gone half a mile before Lord Brewerton
found that his seat was a very uncertain and a very un
comfortable one. Down would go one of the wheels
into a deep rut. " Ha ! hi ! be careful, my man ! be
careful ! What a bloody road this is, to be sure ! " the
lord would cry out. On a little farther, and down would
go the other wheel into a deep rut. " Ho ! ha ! hi ! here
we go over, to be sure ! Be careful, my good man ; be
careful ! Why, Colonel, I never saw such bloody roads
in all my life. Do they ever work them ? " " Yes, some
times," the Colonel replied, as sober as a judge, though
almost dying from suppressed laughter. Indeed such
a scene would have made a dog laugh, and surely the
blind old mule would have laughed outright could he
have laughed at all. The Colonel, lying upon the straw
on the bottom of the cart, felt no fear at all when it sidled
over; but Lord Brewerton, on the chair, was indeed in

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS. 79

danger of being spilled out every time the cart made a
sudden lurch. A little farther and one of the wheels
strikes and passes over a good sized stone. " Ha ! hi !
he! here we go sure this time! Be careful, my dear
man, be careful ! And did you ever see such a bloody
road in all your life, Colonel ? Are you sure, my dear
man, that you are in the road ? "

" Yes, massa, I 'se sure. I knows 'em well. I'setrabelled
dis road many times, massa," replied old Jarrett ; and then,
turning to his mule, said, " Git along, Jack, git along ! Lift
yer feet high, Jack; lift yer feet high ! Git up, git along,
Jack ! " And thus for full two miles they trudged along,
the lord in danger every five minutes of being thrown
over the wheels, and calling everything " bloody ! bloody !
bloody !" while the Colonel could not help occasional
outbursts of laughter, though all the while trying to sup
press it, out of respect for the feelings of Lord John.

At length Lord Brewerton's patience gave way entirely,
when he seized the old chair and hurled it from the cart,
and then laid down in the straw beside the Colonel. The
other six miles, to Wilson's mill, were made without any
incident worthy of record.

Old Aunt Rachel's negro hut was probably the first in
Virginia that ever gave shelter for a whole day to a live
lord ; and it is safe to say that no live lord ever rode
behind a blinder mule, in a more rickety cart, or with a
safer driver, than Lord Brewerton did that night. To
show his appreciation of treats so rare, we may add, that
before leaving Aunt Rachel he handed her two twenty-
dollar gold pieces, and before bidding Uncle Jarrett good
bye, he made him happy for life by handing him five
twenty-dollar gold pieces.

44 God bless you, massa, God bless you ! " was all the
answer either of them could make to such unexpected

8O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

generosity ; but this, to one whose nature was nobler than
his blood, was quite sufficient.

At Wilson's they procured horses, and rode about eight
miles to a grove. There they dismounted, as it was danger
ous to travel the public road farther, and sending the horses
back with the guide, the two trudged along on foot, over
fields and through by-paths for about five miles, until they
reached Mr. Joseph Berry's. Here they stayed all day, and at
night rode on horseback, about seventeen miles, to Mr. Fred
erick Hutchings. At this farm-house they again changed
horses, and then rode six miles farther to Nathan Allen's.
Again they changed horses, and then rode about fifteen
miles to Budd's mill. It was now near morning, and for
the balance of the day they remained concealed in Mr.
Budd's house. When night came, they managed, as the
Colonel had before, to pass the sentinel at the mill, and
then walked four miles to Mr. Brisco's. Here they ob
tained horses and rode eleven miles to Dr. Charles Worth-
ington's. Here one of the outside Union sentinels was
stationed. The guide knew him personally, and slipped
one hundred dollars in gold into his hands. The sentinel
became suddenly stone-blind, and our travellers passed
by without difficulty. They were now within the Con
federate lines, and no longer in fear of arrest. After a
short walk they procured horses, and then a ride of nine
teen miles brought them to Randolph's, at China Grove
station. This route, it will be seen, varied some little
from that taken by Messrs. Lamb and Waddell. A change
of Union troops and sentinel-stations made a change of
route sometimes necessary. The conductors of the line,
Colonels Abercrombie and Killgore, had no less than
five different points at which they crossed the Potomac,
and at each point, look-outs and guides were all the while
in waiting and all the while in the pay of the Confederacy.

At Randolph's, Colonel Abercrombie laid aside his

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS. 8l

disguise and again assumed his uniform ; Lord Brewerton
brushed up as best he could ; both took seats in the next
passing train ; and in a few hours thereafter were at the
Ballard House, in Richmond. No sooner was Lord
Brewerton in his bed-chamber than he kneeled (inviting
the Colonel to do the same) and offered up a most earnest
prayer of thanks to God for his deliverance from dangers,
and for the safety which had attended him thus far in his
travels.

Of course, the arrival of Lord Brewerton was at once
made known to Mr. Davis, and on the following day the
President not only called upon him, but insisted that he
should make the Executive Mansion his home while he
remained in Richmond, to which Lord Brewerton finally
consented, and at once accompanied Mr. Davis to his
home. For a day or two they were in close consultation.
After that, members of the cabinet, army officers, and
other prominent gentlemen commenced to call upon Lord
Brewerton. It was soon after arranged that a reception
ball should be given him at the Executive Mansion. The
programme included the illumination of the grounds with
brilliant fire-works, the attendance of military bands, with
special invitations to all the leading civil and military of
ficers of the Confederacy. The reception and ball came
off, and was even more brilliant than had been anticipated.
Among those present were Generals Lee, Breckenridge,
and Beauregard. The ladies, it had been arranged, should
all dress in calico, from the President's wife down. This
was observed to the letter, and the lord was given to un
derstand that it was done as a compliment to the cotton
manufacturing interests of England, though the fact was
that but few Southern ladies had any of their silks and
satins left to wear. Although the South, even in the very
highest circles of society, was beginning to feel the pinch-
ings of poverty in dress, food, and in almost everything

F

82 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

else, yet this was carefully concealed from the eyes and
ears of Lord Brewerton during the whole time of his
stay in the Confederacy.

About two weeks after the grand ball, Lord Brewerton,
accompanied by a few friends, started on a tour of inspec
tion through the Confederate States, especially to places
where cotton was stored in large quantities. They visited
Wilmington and Newbern, N. C, Charleston, Savannah,
Mobile, and many other points. The entire trip occupied
about two months. On his return to Richmond, Lord
Brewerton expressed to President Davis and others his
entire satisfaction with what he had seen and otherwise
learned, adding that he had not the shadow of a doubt
as to the final success of the Confederate arms. He
assured Mr. Davis that whatever money, arms, and pro
visions the Confederacy might need would be promptly
furnished by himself and his associates, in exchange for
cotton ; and that the cause of the South would continue
to receive, as it had all along received, the sympathy and
moral support of all the upper classes of England. He
also assured him that if the ministry of England could
have the least possible excuse for interfering between the
North and the South, they would be more than glad to
espouse the cause of the South, as England's material
interests all lay in this direction, and the moral sentiment
of the nation could not stand for one moment in the way
of its moneyed interests.

Lord Brewerton remained in Richmond after his return
about one week, in consultation with President Davis and
his cabinet ; Colonel Abercrombie was then telegraphed
for; all the needed arrangements were made; the two
left Richmond, and in less than a week were at the Eng
lish embassy at Washington. Their return was by the
same route as that on which they had gone ; walking and
riding about the same, except that they missed this time

NOBILITY AFTER THE NUGGETS. 83

a ride behind old Jarrett's blind mule ; nor did they have
the luxury of spending a whole day at Aunt Rachel's
negro hut. Lord Brewerton told Lord Lyons all about
the incidents of their trip (as well as all that he had seen
and learned of the Confederacy), and the two had over
them and their wine many a hearty laugh.

It so happened that on the evening following the re
turn of Lord Brewerton and Colonel Abercrombie to
Washington, there was to be a grand reception at the
White House. The lord invited the Colonel to accom
pany him to this reception, and to be introduced as his
friend. The Colonel hesitated at first, as he feared he
might possibly be recognized by some of his old Wash
ington acquaintances, or by some of Baker's secret detec
tives. He finally consented, however, and, in the disguise
of a " French exquisite," did attend President Lincoln's
grand reception, and saw and heard all that was to be
seen and heard on such occasions. Of course, Lord
Brewerton was the observed of all observers, and was
recognized by all (save those who knew to the contrary)
as a staunch friend to the Union. A few days after, Lord
Brewerton and the Colonel went to Philadelphia, where
they met a party of gentlemen at Dr. Charles Howell's,
and where future business arrangements were talked over
and agreed upon. From here the lord went to New
York, while the Colonel returned to Washington and
from thence to Richmond.

Thus we finish the record of the visit of one English
peer to the Southern Confederacy ; but this, by no means,
constitutes the whole of such visits during the war. In
January, 1863, Lord Talbot was at Charleston, having
reached there by the way of Nassau. He had a son who
was a colonel in the Confederate army, and who con
tinued in the service until the close of the war. In No
vember, 1863, Lords Harvey and Kartwright were at

84 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Richmond; they, too, having reached the Confederate
States by the way of Nassau. Major Hodges, one of
General Beauregard's staff, was the son of an English
lord, and did faithful service until the war closed. Adju
tant-General Cooper said that upon the army rolls were
the names of scores who were either the sons of, or
nearly related to, English peers. Lord Cavendish, who
was in very bad health, remained at Nassau during most
of the time that the war continued, rendering such aid to
the Confederacy as lay in his power. Indeed, the immense
hotel at Nassau was crowded with English and Northern
sympathizers with the South nearly all the while, from
the beginning to the end of the war, watching chances
for running the blockade, and otherwise aiding the Con
federacy in whatever way they could. These gentlemen,
however, while friends to the Confederacy, were still more
friends to their own pockets. With them " cotton was
king," and of this king they were trying to get as much
in their pockets as possible, while English ministers and
English consuls were aiding them to the extent of their
ability. This was true not only at Washington and at
Nassau, but generally with British ministers and British
consuls throughout the world, which fact, added to what
we have related of Lord Brewerton, who, doubtless, rep
resented many other persons besides himself, and many
other interests besides his own, fully justifies, as we
think, the caption given to this chapter, NOBILITY AFTER
THE NUGGETS — DIPLOMACY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

86

CHAPTER VI.

IN TIGHT PLACES AND OUT.
SHREWDNESS PULLING THE WIRES.

THE plan of our work admits of only one more chap
ter on the subject of running the land blockade,
though, if space permitted, the entire volume might be
filled with incidents connected with this one service.
This chapter, therefore, must embrace a variety of inci
dents.

On one of the trips, Colonel Abercrombie conducted
Mr. Charles R. Dangerfield from Washington to Rich
mond, and return. Mr. Dangerfield was a large manu
facturer, or the agent of manufacturers, of English arms,
accoutrements, etc., and his object in visiting Richmond
was to make contracts with the Confederacy in exchange
for cotton. Nothing of special note occurred on the way
to Richmond, except that, while lying at the negro hut
all day, two men came to the door, and asked " Aunt Je
mima" if Colonel Abercrombie was not there? This
Mr. Dangerfield heard, and it frightened him almost out
of his wits. " Now Grant's men have us ! " said he, and,
springing up from where he lay, he was ready to surren
der at once ; but the military experience of the Colonel
made him cooler and more courageous than the English
man, and he, instead of surrendering, was getting ready
to sell his life as dearly as possible, when " Aunt Jemima "
called out, " All 's right, honey, all 's right ! dese be your
guides, Mas'er Colonel ; all 's right ! " Had a ten-thousand
ton weight been lifted from Mr. Dangerfield's breast, he

«7

88 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

could not have felt more relieved. He was ready to
dance a hornpipe then and there, and would have done
it, had he not been too old, fat, and clumsy for such a
youthful sport. From Richmond, Mr. Dangerfield visited
all the larger cities, and all the cotton-storing places of
the Confederacy. On his return to Richmond he made
contracts with the government to his entire satisfaction,
and in due time returned to Washington, New York, and
thence to London.

At another time the Colonel conducted another English
manufacturer, Mr. Francis Willis, across the lines and
back. He, like Mr. Dangerfield, visited the principal points
in the Confederacy, and, on his return to Richmond, made
contracts to furnish arms, accoutrements, saddles, cloth
ing, etc., in exchange for cotton.

There were others who were passengers on this line, at
various times ; but as their object was to see friends or
attend to domestic affairs, and had no direct connection
with the war, we think it unnecessary to particularize
them.

On one of the trips Colonel Abercrombie was arrested
as a spy — though his duties, and those of Colonel Kill-
gore's, were as foreign to those of a spy as one thing can
be foreign to another — and as there were incidents con
nected with the arrest and escape never heretofore known,
we will now relate them.

The Colonel was on his way from Richmond to Wash
ington. Had reached Great Falls in safety, and was
about half way between that point and Georgetown, when
a sentinel suddenly called, "Halt! stand, or I'll fire."
The Colonel, who was in the disguise of a farmer, tried
to explain to the sentinel that he was a farmer, living
near Georgetown; that he had been up to Garrett &
Morse's store to see a friend, and was now on his way
back; that he was an uncompromising "Union man," etc.,

IN TIGHT PLACES AND OUT. 89

etc. ; but the sentinel's only reply was that his orders were
to halt and detain any one who attempted to pass his post,
and that the Colonel must stand precisely where halted
until the corporal came around, and not move a step for
ward or backward, or he would fire upon him. The
Colonel saw that he had a sentinel to deal with who could
not be either cajoled or bribed, and that he could do
nothing else than await the coming of the corporal, and
then try his arts upon him. Could he have got near the
sentinel, he would have disarmed him and escaped, but
this was impossible. When the corporal came around to
relieve the guard the Colonel told him the same story he
had told the sentinel ; but he seemed to doubt the story,
and told the Colonel he must " fall in " and accompany
them to the Captain's headquarters, about a half-mile dis
tant. On reaching there the Colonel repeated the same
old story, to all of which the Captain listened attentively
and respectfully. The Captain had just eaten his supper,
and, learning from the Colonel that he had not yet had
his, asked him to take a seat at the table and help himself.
While the Colonel was eating, the Captain narrowly ob
served him, and pretty soon cried out, " Yes ! I see you
are a farmer from the way you handle your knife and
fork ! A pretty farmer you are, to be sure ! " The Colo
nel was nonplussed for a moment and could make no
reply ; but after awhile managed to say that he " could n't
see why a farmer could not handle a knife and fork just
as well as anybody else." He was caught, fairly caught,
by his " society manners," and the more he talked, the
better satisfied the Captain became that he was not a
farmer, and might be a spy. He was accordingly sent,
that same night, to the headquarters of the Eleventh
Pennsylvania regiment, and there put in the guard-house.
Next morning the colonel of this regiment sent him to
General Wilson's headquarters, near by, who, after some

9O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

questions, sent him back to the guard-house. The next
night Colonel Abercrombie made an attempt to escape, and
nearly succeeded. This being reported to General Wilson,
he ordered a heavy ball and chain to be strongly riveted
to the Colonel's leg. Matters now began to look des
perate ; for, while the Colonel had no fear of being con
demned as a spy, he was ready to do anything, rather
than be brought before a court-martial and recognized.
He bethought himself of some medicine he always car
ried with him. Of this he took a dose, and soon had a
most violent diarrhoea. He now could ask, and did ask,
to be sent to a hospital, and next day was sent to the
" Lincoln Hospital," near Georgetown. It chanced that
on the next couch to his in the hospital lay a Confederate
captain, named Lawrence Norton, of Georgia. The two
soon became acquainted. The Colonel told the Cap
tain that if by any means the ball and chain could be
taken from his leg, he could escape from the hospital.
The Captain told his wife this when she visited him next
day ; the wife became immediately interested, and soon
procured and brought to her husband a watch-spring file;
the Captain that same night so filed the clasp, which held
the ball and chain to the Colonel's ankle, that it could be
slipped off at any moment. The Colonel watched the
surgeon when he came into the hospital next day, and
managed to slip a pass from the surgeon's overcoat
pocket while it lay upon a stand near his bed. With this
pass and two empty bottles in his hand, he rushed by the
sentinel at the door, on the plea that he was in great haste
to bring medicines which the doctor had just sent him
after. Once outside the building, he sprang over a ceme
tery fence, and from thenceforth allowed no grass to grow
under his feet until he was safe at Ben Beveridge's hotel.
Here, of course, there was great rejoicing at the Colonel's
wonderful escape; but, fearing pursuit, it was thought

IN TIGHT PLACES AND OUT. QI

best that the Colonel should proceed at once to Balti
more, and from thence to Philadelphia. It was deemed
best, too, that he should not start from the Washington
depot, lest detectives be on the watch there for him. Ac
cordingly, Ben ordered up his own spanking team of bays,
and before daybreak had the Colonel at the Bladensburg
station, where he took the first train that came along for
Baltimore. Fearing, however, to go into the Baltimore
depot, lest detectives might be there on the watch for him,
the Colonel got off the train at the Relay House, and
gave a man a twenty-dollar gold piece to drive him into
Baltimore, a distance of about thirteen miles. He went
direct to the Fountain Hotel, in Light Street, where he
remained carefully concealed for several days, only seeing
Mr. Thomas, Mr. Wilson, and such others as he knew to
be firm friends of the Southern cause. Then he went to
Philadelphia and remained at Dr. Howell's for about two
weeks.

Meanwhile the newspapers of Washington and of the
whole country were publishing accounts about the "won
derful escape of a rebel spy," and all sorts of guesses
were made as to who he was, how he had managed to
escape, who had helped him, where he had gone, etc., etc.
Of course, the whole of Baker's national detective force
and all the police and detective forces of New York,
Philadelphia, and of every other Northern city, were
specially charged to search out, arrest, and bring to
speedy justice this "desperate rebel spy;" but not one
of them all ever succeeded in arresting, nor even in as
certaining who this " rebel spy " was ; and not until this
shall appear in print will the world at large ever know
who the arrested party was, how he managed his escape,
or what became of him after his escape.

92 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

JOHNSON IN A QUANDARY.

THE HEART MASTERING THE HEAD.

There was another incident connected with the running
of the land blockade which, though hardly sufficient for
an entire chapter, is too important and too interesting to
allow to pass without notice : for not until this is pub
lished will it ever be known outside of some half-dozen
persons. The incident was as follows :

On one of his blockade-running visits to Washington,
Colonel Abercrombie learned that Senator Andrew John
son, as it then was (though afterwards Vice-President, and
still afterwards President of the United States), had rooms at
Beveridge's Hotel, the very place that he was making his
headquarters when in Washington. Knowing the Sen
ator to be a fierce, uncompromising Union man, the news
of his close proximity at first alarmed the Colonel ; but,
upon reflection, he remembered that Mrs. Johnson and
his mother had long been on the most intimate terms, —
that the Senator knew him personally, and had always
treated him with the utmost kindness, — that he was a
man of generous heart, and even though he should learn
of his being there, the danger of his interfering with him
was next to nothing. He therefore decided to stand his
ground and take the chances.

As proximity to danger is always exciting, and, after a
time, becomes attractive, so in this case, what at first
seemed alarming, after a time became so attractive that
the Colonel had a longing desire to see and converse
with his old friend, Andrew Johnson. He communicated
this desire to his friend and co-associate in the blockade-
running business, Ben Beveridge, and asked him what he
thought of it. Ben, at first, thought it would not do at
all ; but, like the Colonel, after thinking over the matter

IN TIGHT PLACES AND OUT. 93

some time, concluded that it would be a capital joke, and
advised the Colonel to try it.

The Colonel was disguised — so disguised, indeed, that
even his own sister would not have known him, had she
met him in the street — and the arrangement was, that
Ben should await in the entry, near the Senator's cham
ber-door, while the Colonel went in to talk with him ;
and that, if the Senator did not receive him kindly, or if
he showed any disposition to arrest him, the Colonel
should at once quit the room, and Ben would help him to
escape.

Everything thus understood, the Colonel went to the
Senator's door and knocked gently. A deep, stentorian
voice replied, "Come in;" but the Colonel pretended not
to hear this, and knocked again, as he wanted the Senator
to come to and open the door, that he might at once step
within the room, whether the Senator invited him to do
so or not. The second knock brought the Senator to
the door, which he opened far enough to face his visitor,
when he said :

" How do you do, sir?"

The Colonel replied, and, while replying, stepped within
the room, when the Senator shut the door, and invited
his visitor to take a seat. The Colonel did not sit down,
but, taking hold of the back of the chair offered him, he
said to Mr. Johnson :

" You seem not to know me, Mr. Senator. When did
you leave Greenville? and where is Mrs. Johnson and
Bob?"

This confused the Senator more than ever, as the
visitor seemed to be familiar with his wife and son, as
well as with himself, and yet he could not recollect to
have ever seen him before.

" Well, no," replied the Senator, " I really cannot place
you, or call your name. By jingo! who are you, any way?"

94 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

" I guess you don't want to know me," replied the
Colonel, " and I had better be going."

"Oh, no, sir; oh, no," replied Mr. Johnson; "sit down!
sit down ! When did you come from Greenville ? But
really, sir, I cannot recall your name — I cannot."

The Colonel observed the Senator's confusion, and so
enjoyed the joke that it was some time before he would
let himself be known. Then, suddenly tearing the false
whiskers from his face and putting on a natural ex
pression, he stood revealed before the Senator.

"My God! is this you, Ralph?" was all that Mr.
Johnson could say for some moments ; and then added,
" Why, Ralph, ain't you in the rebel service ? "

" Well, what if I am ? " replied the Colonel ; " you don't
propose to arrest me, do you ? "

"No, no; but, by jingo! what under heavens brought
you here?" said the Senator; and, going to the door,
locked it before the Colonel had time to reply. " Sit
down! sit down!" he added, "and tell me all about it.
What under heavens could have brought you here, or
induced you to call upon me?"

The Colonel then took a seat and explained to Mr.
Johnson why he was there, the nature of his business,
and that he had only called upon him as a good joke,
and to renew an old acquaintance; to all of which the
Senator listened attentively, though trembling meanwhile
from excitement. When the Colonel had finished, Mr.
Johnson sprang from his chair, walked hurriedly across
the room two or three times, went to the front windows
and pulled down the shades, and then, turning to the
Colonel, said :

" Does anybody know that you are here with me?"

Just then Mr. Johnson heard a tittering in the entry-
way, and, turning to the Colonel, asked him if he had
any companions waiting outside. The Colonel replied,

IN TIGHT PLACES AND OUT. 95

that he thought it might be Ben, as he alone knew of
his visit. Immediately Mr. Johnson stepped to the door,
and, seeing Ben, asked him to step in. Ben did so, and
now the Senator became more in a quandary than ever.
He scolded both Ben and the Colonel pretty severely,
and told them they did not appreciate the awkward posi
tion in which they were placing him; that, if the Colonel's
visit to him were known, it would, under the circum
stances, compromise him in a most serious manner. Ben
tried to soothe the Senator by telling him that the
Colonel's call upon him was only intended as a joke ;
that it could never be known outside of their three
selves ; and that it should never be repeated, if annoying
to him. The Senator replied, that while he was glad,
personally, to see Ralph, yet the fact that he was known
to be an officer in the rebel army, and in his business of
blockade-running might by some be regarded as a spy,
made it doubly awkward for him, and, if it were known
to the Senate, might cost him his seat, as well as his
reputation as a consistent UNION man; that nearly every
one would say that he ought to have had the Colonel
arrested and detained, at least as a prisoner-of-war, if not
as a spy; and that, in holding communication with him
without attempting his arrest, he made himself a party
to his crime, whether as a rebel to the government or as
a spy. The more the Senator talked about it, the graver
he became over it, until the Colonel and Ben saw that
what had been intended as a comedy might prove a
serious tragedy with all concerned, and that the sooner
they got out of the way the better. Before leaving, the
Senator exacted from each a solemn promise that they
would not repeat the joke under any possible circum
stances.

There is no kind of doubt that Senator Johnson felt
greatly troubled at receiving such a visit from an officer in

g SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the Confederate service, and in learning that his land
lady's son, Ben, was just as much of a rebel at heart as
the Colonel himself. He knew, too, that his official duty
as a United States Senator was to have both of these men
arrested, tried, and, if possible, convicted, while his heart
prompted to a course directly the contrary. He had long
known, and had high regard for, the mothers of both ;
the men he had known from childhood upward, and al
ways liked them, as boys, as young men, as men in active
life, and he would as soon have thought of having his
own son, " Bob," arrested as either of these, and yet his
duty plainly pointed in that direction. It was a conflict
between his head and his heart, in which his heart gained
the mastery.

That the Senator did not hold any ill-will against the
Colonel or against Ben for this wild prank of theirs
against his Senatorial and official dignity is proven from
the fact that he still continued to board with Ben's mother
at the " Washington House," and within two years after
he became President he appointed the Colonel as one of
three commissioners to reopen and establish mail-routes
throughout the late Confederate States.

98

CHAPTER VII.

PRISONERS, HOW USED AND HOW ABUSED.
CRAFT AND CRUELTY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

IN General L. C. Baker's " History of the United States
Secret Service," four chapters are devoted to the sub
ject of bounty-jumpers. In these chapters the startling
facts are disclosed that " on investigation, it was found
that only one in four of the enlisted men reached the
front ; " that, in some instances, the entire quota of a town
ship was filled with the names of bounty -jumpers, not one
of whom ever really enlisted or went to the front ; that
desertions from the army became so common that to
" even attempt to show, by actual figures, the number
would be impossible;" that "to aid the soldier to desert
was deemed to be as much the legitimate business and
calling of the professional bounty broker as to enlist
him;" that in one investigation it was shown, "out of
5,284 enlisted, only 2,083 actually entered the service;"
that out of this number — less than one-half who really
enlisted — not more than three-fourths ever reached the
front, and of these probably one-fourth deserted and re
turned to the States, to reenlist and receive bounty
again ; that of one hundred and eighty-three who enlisted
in one day at Hoboken and were credited to the quota of
Jersey City, every one was a bounty-jumper ; that case
after case came to light where a single bounty-jumper had
enlisted three times, and received three separate bounties,
in one day, and that even gipsy-like gangs were organized,
who travelled from city to city, enlisting such of their

99

IOO SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

number as they could, assisting such as enlisted to escape,
and then on to the next city or recruiting station to re
peat the same thing. Of one such gang it is related that
" in a trip of thirty-two days their total profits amounted
to ^32,000."

It is also a matter of record that while skirmishes and
battles were in progress, Union soldiers in the front ranks,
and especially if sent forward as skirmishers, would some
times throw down their muskets and run over to the
enemy ; and it not unfrequently happened that sentinels
on the outposts were missing and never heard of more,
or, if heard of, it would be found they had gone within
the Confederate lines and surrendered.

These matters have all been told, and well told, by
other historians, but not until these " Secrets of the Re
bellion " have been published will it be generally known
what became of those who thus threw down their arms,
and of those who thus abandoned their posts, to go over
to the enemy, and that to encourage bounty-jumping in
the North, and thereby promote desertions from the Union
army, became, after August, 1863, a part of the masterly
diplomacy or tactics adopted by the Confederate Govern
ment.

Of the bounty-jumpers who first tried the game of
going over-to the enemy, under the belief that they would
soon be exchanged or paroled, and thus have opportuni
ties /or procuring additional bounties, quite a number
were shot as spies. The " dead-board," as it was called,
of General Lee's army, had a summary way of dealing
with all cases which they deemed of a questionable char
acter. A statement from the person making the arrest ;
where found, and under what circumstances ; a few ques
tions to the accused ; a consultation of ten minutes
among the seven officers who composed the board;
sentence ; and on the day following, and sometimes on

PRISONERS, HOW USED AND HOW ABUSED. IOI

the same day, the accused would be seen sitting on an
empty coffin, on his way to execution.

But in August, 1863, a new thought crossed the brain
of the Confederate authorities. They then concluded
that, instead of shooting bounty-jumpers as spies, they
could make them serviceable to the Confederate cause
by using them as stool-pigeons, and like as stool-pigeons
are used to draw whole flocks into the net, so these could
be used to corrupt, and bring thousands into the Confed
erate lines. In pursuance of this new idea, five large to
bacco warehouses, on Carey Street, each three stories
high, directly opposite " Castle Thunder," in Richmond,
were converted into a prison, and called " Castle Light
ning." In this prison, bounty-jumpers alone were put,
and the rations furnished them were doubly as good as the
rations furnished the prisoners in other prisons. When
ever an exchange of prisoners was possible, those in Cas
tle Lightning were always given the preference, and, when
about to leave, they were told that they should take from
the Yankees as many bounties as they possibly could;
that, if again sent to the front, they should desert, and
bring as many others along with them as possible ; that
they would always be well treated, and given the best ra
tions the Confederacy could afford ; that they would be
exchanged, or otherwise sent back to their homes, at the
first opportunity; and that to secure safety and good
treatment, when coming into the Confederate lines, they
should cry out, " Bounty-jumper ! Bounty-jumper ! " This
was told them not only when about to leave, but again,
and again, and again during their stay, and the superior
treatment they received while prisoners, assured them
that the promises made would all be fulfilled.

Within a few weeks after the return of the first batch
of these bounty-jumpers to the North, the effect of the
new policy began to show itself, and it steadily increased
9*

IO2 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

from that time onward. Hardly a day, and sometimes
several times in a day, squads of Union prisoners arrived
in Richmond, and were marched to Castle Lightning, who
had voluntarily come within the lines, and claimed to be
bounty-jumpers. Nor was there scarcely a day in which
squads of these same men might not be seen leaving
the prison, on their way to be exchanged, or otherwise
sent back to the Union army, or direct to their homes.
Like leaven, its tendency was to leaven the whole lump,
as the authorities of the Confederacy believed would be the
case when they adopted the policy. One such man in a
company would, in time, taint the whole company; ten
such men in a regiment would, in time, taint the whole
regiment. When a battle is progressing, a single regiment,
yea, a single company, going over to the enemy will some
times so change the tide of battle that what seemed an
assured victory, will prove a most disastrous defeat.

Of course it is not known, never can be known, how
many millions of dollars, nor how many thousands of
lives the adoption of this policy by the South cost the
North ; nor can the South ever know the amount of ad
vantage which they derived from adopting the policy;
but that it was a new mode of warfare, and showed great
shrewdness on the part of those who conceived and car
ried out the project, all will agree in admitting.

Having thus shown how the Confederate authorities
used Union prisoners to benefit their own cause, we will
next proceed to state some additional facts as to the abuse
received by other Union prisoners. The facts which we
now purpose to state are not from hearsay, not from one
sided newspapers, nor from partisan historians, but di
rectly from the lips of one who had occasion to visit
Confederate prisoners frequently during the war, whose
whole soul was in, and with, the Confederate cause, and
who could not be, and would not be, by any who knew

PRISONERS, HOW USED AND HOW ABUSED. IO3

him, accused of sympathy with the " Yankees," as he
usually styles Union soldiers when speaking of them.
We have not space to write of all, and will limit our
remarks to only four of the many places throughout the
Confederate States at which Union prisoners were con
fined.

First. — " Libby Prison." This was located in Rich
mond, and had been a tobacco warehouse previous to its
use as a prison. It was an immense brick building, three
stories high, rough floors, no plastering, a great number
of windows, no fire-places, and no means for heating
other than for the office on the first floor. In this, hun
dreds of Union prisoners were thrust and kept for weeks,
months, years — some with scarcely enough clothing left
to cover their nakedness, and with no chance for a change ;
many without a blanket, even in the coldest winter weather-;
all without beds, or mattress, or anything but the hard
floor to lie upon. Their ordinary daily ration consisted
of a loaf made from one pint of corn-meal and one pint
of rice soup. Occasionally, though rarely, they would
have bread made from wheat flour and soup made from
meat and bones. Once in a great while they were served
with meat, but the quantity served to each man was so
small that it could be taken at a mouthful. Our inform
ant says he knows of a certainty that some actually starved
to death — that others actually froze to death — that many
were wantonly shot while thoughtlessly looking out of
the windows, by sentinels on the sidewalks, who had
positive orders from Lieutenant Turner, the officer in

command of Libby, to shoot any "d d Yankee"

whose head might be seen at the window-bars ; and that
hundreds, yea, thousands, died from sickness brought upon
them by the privations from which they suffered. We
could give other details, but they are too horrible to write,
and would be too sickening to read.

104 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Second.—" Castle Thunder." All that we have said
of " Libby " will apply equally well to this prison, except
that in some cases the cruelty of treatment might be mul
tiplied by two, and in some instances by three. Here our
informant saw prisoners with ball and chain to their legs,
and handcuffed together; chanced to be in the room when
the brains of one of the prisoners were spattered against
the wall, by a ball from the musket in the hands of a sen
tinel on the pavement two stories below, and only because
the prisoner had dared to look out at a window ; learned
of many like cases which occurred before and after that
visit ; nor has he any doubt that scores were there inhu
manly shot, because of orders from the officer in com
mand, Captain Alexander. At least one Union prisoner,
a Captain Dayton, was hung on the charge of being a
spy. In this prison, dogs that chanced to stray in were
seized, killed, and eaten ; and rat-meat was regarded as
a dainty dish.

Third. — Salisbury, N. C., was a large enclosure within
a high board fence, on the outside of which was a walk
for sentinels, and within which was the " dead-line," about
thirty feet from the fence, to cross which meant instant
death to any prisoner. The " sinks " for the camp were
located on this " dead-line," and at one of his visits our in
formant saw the dead body of a prisoner lying in one of
the " sinks," who had been shot by a sentinel in the after
noon of the day before while sitting on the pole at the
" sink." The sentinel, when asked why he had shot the
prisoner, replied that he thought he was trying to come
over the dead-line and therefore shot him. At this same
visit our informant saw sentinels, with guns on their shoul
ders, pacing their rounds on the outside of this fence,
who were not over twelve years of age, and the one who
had shot the prisoner at the " sink " was scarcely over
this age. The whole regiment on guard at that camp, at

PRISONERS, HOW USED AND HOW ABUSED. 10$

that time, was made up of boys from twelve to sixteen
years of age, and of very old men — not one of all of whom
was fit for a soldier. The officer in command, a Major
Gee, was himself a brute, and no more fit to have the care
of human beings than a hyena would be to be placed in
charge of a sheepfold. Here, as at Libby and Castle
Thunder, the usual ration was a loaf made from one pint
of corn-meal, each day, and occasionally a small bit of
meat. For shelter most of them had to burrow for them
selves, like rabbits, in holes under ground ; and so poorly
were they off for clothing and shoes, that our informant
saw scores of men standing about the doors of hospitals,
waiting for the clothing and shoes of those who might
die within. Every morning carts came around to gather
up the dead, to take them without the camp and throw
in trenches.

Fourth. — Andersonville, Georgia. This was an en
closure of about twenty-five acres, surrounded by a high
stockade, and by earthworks mounted with cannon. One
end of the enclosure was a swamp, through which crept
a sluggish, muddy stream, and this was the only water
to which the prisoners had access. To add to the filthi-
ness and consequent unhealthfulness of this water, a
Confederate camp was located upon it, above the point
where the stream entered the stockade. The few build
ings within the enclosure were scarcely enough for hos
pital purposes, and here, as at Salisbury, the prisoners
had to burrow in the earth for shelter. Even in the
coldest of weather thousands had no blankets, nor scarcely
clothing enough to cover their nakedness. Their ordi
nary ration here, as at the other places named, was a
loaf made from one pint of corn-meal each day, and
when, as occasionally they did, receive anything beyond
this, it was regarded as a rare treat. The shooting of
men on the "dead-line" was almost of daily occurrence.

IO6 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Indeed, many of the prisoners became so crazed from
suffering that they sought death in this way. General
Winder was commander of the camp, and under him
was the Captain Wirz who was tried, convicted, and hung
at Washington near the close of the war. Thousands at
the South, as well as at the North, believed then, and
believe still, that General Winder, instead of his subor
dinate officer, should have stood beneath the hangman's
noose. Undoubtedly he could have corrected these ter
rible wrongs had he tried. That he did not try is proof
positive that he did not care. The world at large always
gives to commanders the chief credit of all done by their
subordinates, and, on the same principle, holds them re
sponsible for all that their subordinates fail to do or do
wrongfully. Had General Winder desired his prisoners
to have had better treatment, neither Captain Wirz, nor any
other of his subordinates, would have treated them as
they did. How much they suffered none will ever know.
The horrible things related in the foregoing pages, and
the thousands of other terrible things related by others
who have written the history of the Rebellion, are but as
drops to the ocean, as sands to the sea-shore, to all that
occurred during the war. Dark deeds seek to hide them
selves always, and while the " secrets " of this volume,
and a few others, have oozed out since the war, others
doubtless quite as bad have never yet, and probably
never will, see the light of day. And possibly it is best
so. There are some deeds that so harrow up one's
feelings that, if related, they would, as said by Hamlet's
ghost :

"Freeze the young blood;

Make the two eyes, like stars, start from their spheres ;

The knotted and combined locks to part,

And each particular hair to stand on end

Like quills upon the fretful porcupine."

PRISONERS, HOW USED AND HOW ABUSED. IO/

Or, after hearing them, make us to cry out with Ham
let (slightly varied) :

"O all you host of heaven! O earth! what else?
And shall I couple hell ? O fie ! Hold, hold my heart ;
And you, my sinews, grow not instant old,
But bear me stiffly up! — Remember them?
Yea, from the table of my memory
I '11 wipe away all trivial records,
All saws of books, all forms, all pleasures past,
That youth and observation copied there,
And these base deeds alone, alone shall live
Within the book and volume of my brain
Unmixed with baser matter;
And on my tablets I will set it down
That one may smile, and smile, and be a villain ! "

We could ourself add more, much more, from what our
informant told us ; but our heart sickens over such re
citals, and our readers, we are sure, have had quite enough
of it.

The first question, and the most natural question for
any one to ask, after reading the terrible atrocities just
recited, would be, Who was or is accountable for all this
suffering?

The gentleman from whose lips we gathered most of
the foregoing facts had opportunities of learning the in
dividual sentiments of President Davis upon this subject,
as upon many others, quite as well, perhaps, as any man
within the lines of the Confederacy, and he assured us
that Mr. Davis regretted, as much as any man could
regret, the sufferings of Union prisoners, and that, when
ever reports of their ill-treatment came to his ears, he
at once gave them attention. That, time and again, Mr.
Davis appointed gentlemen of high character to visit the
prison-places we have named, and report to him any and
all abuses of which they might learn ; that, again and
again, he cautioned, reprimanded, and in some cases re

IO8 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

moved, officers charged with cruelty to Union prisoners ;
and that he did whatever it was possible for him to do to
mitigate their sufferings. In view of the high personal
character which Mr. Davis bore before he became Presi
dent of the Confederacy, and of the consistent Christian
character he has since borne, it is to be hoped that this
is a correct interpretation of his sentiments with reference
to Union prisoners. It would almost make one lose faith
in humanity were it otherwise.

If President Davis was not responsible, the next most
natural question would be, Who is ? and to this answers
would differ with almost every one who might attempt to
make reply. While the outrages were being perpetrated,
the people of the North generally held Mr. Davis respon
sible for all of them, on the principle heretofore stated ;
but towards the close of the war, and during the ten
years following the war, public opinion greatly changed,
until few, if any, held him longer responsible ; and now
there are not probably ten men in the whole United States,
of such as know anything of the facts, who hold him
personally responsible for these outrages.

Our informant thought the responsibility lay most, if
not wholly, with the officers in immediate command of
these prisons and camps. That, while food was undoubt
edly scarce in the Confederacy, still he believed the pris
oners did not get all that the government allowed and
paid for; that while charged only with the safe-keeping
of the prisoners, the officers in command went far beyond
this, and made security a pretext for severity ; that they
were malicious, vindictive, devilish, and, while dressed in
a " little brief authority," allowed these traits of their own
characters to have full play in torturing those committed
to their keeping. If this, or half of this, be true, God
have pity on their souls when they stand, as all must,
before Christ's judgment-seat !

110

CHAPTER VIII.

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH.

CUNNING AND DUPLICITY PROMPTING THE ACTORS. — DE
STRUCTION IN THE BACKGROUND.

remark is attributed to General Grant that he had
1 " less dread of the whole of General Lee's army
than of Colonel Moseby's cavalry." To one unacquainted
with the irregular, predatory mode of warfare of these
bands, such a remark, from such a source, would seem
impossible; but when it is known that cunning, deception,
downright lying, and any amount of cruelty needed to
their ends, were principles and practices which they re
garded as fair ; that they did not hold themselves amen
able to army regulations, nor to the law of nations, but
were in all cases a " law unto themselves," then the won
der ceases, and we can understand that even so fearless
and so wise a general as Grant might have made just
such a remark.

During the war the newspapers of the whole country
had considerable to say about Mosebyand his marauding
band ; and, since the war, all who have written histories
have had more or less to say about him ; and yet not the
one-hundredth part of his depredations have ever been
recorded, nor is there one in a thousand, either North or
South, who know how his band was organized, how they
operated, or what were the results, except in a few cases,
of their operations. With our army experience of nearly
three years, and with all our reading of newspapers and
histories, we admit to have known nothing, or next to

in

112 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

nothing, of the plan on which his band was organized,
of the principles on which they operated, and of the ter
rible results of those operations until quite recently. It
chanced, not long since, that we met a gentleman who
was an officer in the Confederate army during nearly the
whole of the war, who was personally acquainted with
Colonel Moseby and many of his men, and who had from
their own lips carefully detailed accounts of many of their
daring exploits, at a time when they gloried in them and
delighted to tell them to their friends ; and whose personal
relations with President Davis, Adjutant- General Cooper,
and others gave him the opportunity of knowing what
was going on behind the scenes, as well as upon the stage.
From him we gathered most of the following facts, and
as many of them have never been published before, we
are sure they will be of great interest, as showing another
phase of the acts going on behind the scenes while the
armies of the Union and of the Confederacy were fighting
their battles on the public stage, with all the world as
spectators.

It will be recollected that in the beginning of the Con
federate government troops were called out by proclama
tion of the President, the same as at the North. But that,
after a time, as the war progressed and volunteering be
came less and less, conscription had to be resorted to, and,
finally, that every man at all able to bear arms was called
into the service.

Early in the war Colonel Moseby proposed to the Con
federate War Department to raise a company for " special
and independent service," meaning guerilla service, though
of course he did not use a word so objectionable in mak
ing the application. He was then a practising lawyer in a
small town in Western Virginia, and wanted to keep up
his own dignity as well as that of his profession. The
War Department granted his request, and in a little while

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. 113

his company was full. Finding others eager to join him,
as the young men of his own and of adjoining counties
much preferred to join an "independent" command than
go into the Confederate army (and they soon found they
must do one or the other), he next proposed to the War
Department to raise a regiment on the same basis. This,
too, was granted him, and in due time he had about fifteen
hundred men on his muster-rolls, divided up into compa
nies, each with its captain, lieutenants, sergeants, etc.,
many of whom were not known to the general public,
nor scarcely beyond their immediate friends and relatives.
All his officers and all his men lived at their homes, on
their farms, in their offices, in their stores, in their work
shops, pursuing their usual vocations ; but each was care
ful to carry, concealed about his person, a certificate show
ing that he belonged to Colonel Moseby's regiment of
" independent " cavalry, so that if called upon by a con
scripting officer he could at once show that he was already
in the service. The regiment was called " independent,"
and was really so, for the reason that it was attached to no
brigade, division, or corps, but operated and cooperated
with other commands only as chance happened to throw
them together. His orders came from the President, or
the War Department, through Adjutant-General Cooper,
who directed him whom to obey as his superior officer
for the time being, and to whom to report at any time for
special duty. Many, a great many, of his acts, however,
were done purely on his own volition, on his own respon
sibility, and without orders from any superior officer, nor
were these acts always approved by those at the seat of
government. Two or three times he was summoned to
Richmond to answer complaints lodged against him ; but
such was the influence he exerted with members of the
Confederate Congress, through members of his regiment,
many of whom were the sons or near relatives of some

10* H

114 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

of the most wealthy and most influential families of Vir
ginia, that each time he came off scot-free, and was
worse after than before.

His ordinary manner of operating was as follows : His
officers and men, as before stated, lived at home, and
were only known as citizens, pursuing their ordinary
vocations ; and, for the last two years of the war, a con
siderable number, probably more than half, lived within
the Union lines, and called themselves " Union " men.
From and after the time when the Rapidan River became
the line of the two armies this was especially so ; and
after that time nearly all his operations lay between the
Rapidan and the Potomac, mostly in the counties of
Loudon, Fauquier, Shenandoah, and Rockingham. Oc
casionally he would cross the Potomac into Maryland,
and operate at points between Cumberland City and the
Great Falls.

When from officers and members of his own regiment
living within the Union lines, or from others, he would
learn of the contemplated movements of certain supply-
trains, of certain paymasters, of certain small squads on
special duty, he would at once issue orders to enough of
his men to meet him at a particular house, or a particular
cross-roads, at ten or twelve o'clock of a particular night,
fully armed, equipped, and mounted for the service in
which they were about to engage. Sometimes the num
ber ordered out would be ten, sometimes twenty, some
times fifty, and sometimes a whole company or more,
according to the force which they expected to meet and
overcome. Only when ordered to join and cooperate
with some general commanding officer, would he call out
his whole available force. He had no fixed headquarters,
but his officers and men always knew exactly where to
communicate with him, as he always knew exactly where
to find them ; and when he issued an order it was speedily

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. 11$

conveyed from lip to lip, and seldom failed to meet with
the expected response. He and his men were all the
while on the alert, and seldom failed to take prompt ad
vantage of any opportunity that offered. His own men
not unfrequently applied for (as farmers' sons living in the
neighborhood) and obtained temporary employment as
team-drivers, blacksmiths, farriers, etc., in the Union
army, and in this way secured information in advance of
every contemplated movement, whether of the army, of
supplies, or of detachments on special service. As soon
as such information was obtained, it was conveyed from
lip to lip, until it reached the ears of Colonel Moseby.
Then he would decide whether a raid was practicable or
not; and if it was, the needed number of men were sum
moned to meet him at a certain place at a set time.

To get through the line of Union sentinels without
alarming the whole Union army, he had numerous strat
agems. Having men on both sides of the line, he knew
the exact location of every post, just the hour at which
each sentinel was placed and relieved, and the precise
strength of the squad or company, and where located,
from which each sentinel was detached. Where only a
single sentinel needed to be removed, to allow him and
his squad to pass in and out of the Union lines, he was
stealthily pounced upon, disarmed, killed, or otherwise
taken care of. If more than one needed removing, the
same operation might be practised on two or more.
Where a whole squad or company needed to be gobbled
up, he had enough of his men to quietly surround them,
and, at the blowing of a whistle or other signal, suddenly
pounce upon and take them all prisoners, usually without
the firing of a gun, or with scarcely a word spoken above a
whisper. Secrecy, celerity, and " dead men tell no tales,"
were his maxims — and most fearfully did he put these
maxims into practice. It would fill this entire volume to

Il6 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

tell all the times ; but the following instances, selected
from the many, some of which have and some of which
never have been told before^ will fully corroborate all that
we have heretofore said, and show the terrible character
of the warfare carried on by this class of men behind the
scenes, while the Union and Confederate armies were con
tending for the mastery in front of the scenes.

During the summer and fall of 1863, Moseby's guerillas
were exceedingly active. Almost every night they had
some enterprise on hand, large or small, and while most
of them were of such a character as to excite but little
attention and no alarm, yet now and then one would occur
of so startling a nature, and of so villanous a character,
as to arouse all who heard of it, and make every honest
man wish that the perpetrators could be caught and hung
higher than Haman. The first we purpose to relate was
of this character, and, so far as we know, this will be its
first publication in historic form, though well known at
the time by everybody in the neighborhood, and by offi
cers in both armies.

The position of Maryland during the war was exceed
ingly perplexing. Lying, as it does, midway between
the North and the South, her soil was traversed by both
armies, and her people were constantly subjected to an
noyance, if not to danger, from both Union and Confed
erate troops. As a slaveholding State, the sympathies of
her people were mostly with the Southern cause, and yet
the business relations of many of her citizens with the
people of the North, and her contiguity to Pennsylvania,
had made many of her citizens strongly in favor of main
taining the Union. A considerable number of her citizens
had joined the Confederate army; a considerable number
had joined the Union army ; while those who stayed at
home endeavored to remain as nearly neutral as possible.
To a Northern man or a Union soldier, they were all for

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. II/

the Union ; to a Southern man or a Confederate soldier,
they were all for Jefferson Davis and the Confederacy ; to
one who did not care a fig which side won, they were
quite as indifferent as he dared be. Moseby and his mid
night marauders seemed to have taken, for some cause, a
special dislike to the Marylanders, and the first four
instances we purpose to give occurred on that side of
the Potomac.

Mr. B. (our informant had forgotten the name, though
he had been at the place and was entirely familiar with
the incident, having obtained it from the lips of one who
was a participant) — Mr. B. was a quiet, inoffensive old
man, who endeavored to live at peace with everybody,
and who was probably as little of a partisan as any man
in the State. He seldom, if ever, talked upon politics,
rarely about the war, and, when upon either, was always
careful to do it in such a way as not to offend his listener.
He kept a small country store at a point where two roads
crossed each other, and was as ready to exchange his
coffee, sugar, or molasses, his calicoes, hardware, or
queensware, for country produce or for money, with a
Confederate as with a Union man, or with a Union man
as with a Confederate, There was no village about his
store, not even the usual accompaniments of a black
smith- and wheelwright-shop.

Moseby had taken a dislike to this man. Why, it is not
known, except it be that he sold his goods to Union men
and Union soldiers, as well as to Confederates, when
opportunity offered. So far as is known, the man had
never given any personal offence to Moseby or his men,
though they had several times visited his store, usually,
if not always, in disguise ; and we may here add, once for
all, that when Moseby or his men were moving about
within the Union lines on spying expeditions, they were
always in disguise, and when they went to perpetrate a

Il8 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

diabolical act, they always had their faces blackened, or
were otherwise in mask.

On a dark night, or rather about two o'clock in the
morning, in August, 1863, ten of Moseby's gang approached
this store. One of the men was lifted up to, and crept
in at, a window, and, going to the front door, unlocked and
opened it, that some might enter while others remained
on the outside as sentinels. Closing and locking the door,
that there might be no escape of the inmates, they struck
a light and then commenced a search for persons. They
soon found the old man (the owner), two young men
(his clerks or assistants), and a negro boy, all of whom
had been asleep in the house adjoining, or in the second
story of the store. As there were no women in the house,
it is probable that he and his clerks had kept " bachelors'
hall." Of course the proprietor, clerks, and negro boy
were very much alarmed at seeing these men with black
ened faces before them, and inquired what it all meant?
They were quickly informed that it meant death to them,
and a burning of the building, with all its contents. All
commenced to plead forlheir lives, fell upon their knees,
and besought their captors to spare their lives at least,
whatever other punishment or destruction they might
think proper to inflict ; but the more they plead, the more
deaf and the more lost to every sense of humanity their
captors seemed to become. Taking some trace-chains
which they found in the store, the old man, the two young
men, and the negro boy were bound, hand and foot, and
then secured to a post or some other fixed thing within
the store. The only reason their captors would give for

all this was that they were " d d Yankees," that they

had " supplied Union soldiers with food and clothing,"
that they were " traitors to the South," etc., etc., etc., all
of which was interspersed with most horrid oaths and
curses. When all four had been securely bound, gagged,

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH.

and fastened, and their captors had helped themselves to
whatever they wanted of the articles in the store, they
left the building, and in a few moments thereafter it was
in flames. Had the bound captives within not been gagged
they would have almost raised the dead with their cries ;
but, as it was, nothing was heard save the fierce crackling
of the flames, and in a little while the building and its
contents lay in ashes, mingled and intermingled with the
bones of the four victims. Again Moseby's oft-repeated
maxims had found a terrible illustration, " Dead men tell
no tales " — " Dead men never bite ! "

The next instance of the doings of this gang of des
peradoes which we purpose to relate, occurred not long
after, near Shepherdstown, MdM and was of a much milder
type of villany. We relate it here that our readers may
see, by contrast, that these murdering guerillas were as
ready to do small, mean things, as great, horrid things;
and that personal malice and personal advantage, rather
than advantage to the Southern Confederacy, were some
times the incentives to their acts.

Lieutenant-Colonel Phillips, though a Marylander, was
from the beginning of the agitation a strong Union man,
and, when volunteers were called for from Maryland, did
not hesitate a moment to offer his services in the Union
cause, and became lieutenant-colonel of one of the Union
Maryland regiments. He left at home, in care of his
father, a very fine horse. Colonel Moseby heard of this
horse, and determined to become its possessor, With
blackened faces, he, or some of his men, went to the Phillips'
farm at night, stole the horse, and returned to Virginia
the same night. The fact soon after came to the ears of
a chivalrous Confederate officer, who had known Lieuten
ant-Colonel Phillips when at the same college with him
self, and who, though not liking Phillips now, disliked
meanness still more. He informed General Breckinridge,

I2O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

and afterwards General Lee, of the theft. General Lee
regarded such an act as a disgrace to the whole Confeder
ate army, and at once sent a written order to Colonel
Moseby to restore the horse. Colonel Moseby demurred,
and tried to excuse the act as a legitimate capture from a
well-known enemy; but General Lee was not to be de
ceived by any such sophistry, and insisted upon the return
of the horse. The horse was returned !

The next instance, which occurred near Williamsport,
Md., not long after, was of a far blacker and more diabolical
character. A farmer living near this place, and known
as a " Dunkard," was believed to have considerable quan
tities of gold and silver laid away in pots and stocking-
legs about his house. He was not only a " neutral " in
politics and with regard to the war, but his religion made
him a non-combatant as well. Confederates, of course,
denounced him as a traitor to the Southern cause, and
thought he should at least contribute his money, if not
his life, to defend it. He would sa.y nothing, do nothing,
no matter what others might say or do. One dark night
three masked men came to his house, murdered him, and
took his money. They were not recognized, not traced,
nor did any one then find out, nor does any one now know,
who really did the deed ; but it was then believed, and is still
believed, that Moseby's guerilla band were the perpetrators.

That same fall another instance occurred, in which
Moseby's guerillas were certainly the actors, and which
was of a much more warlike character.

To cut off, gobble up, capture, or destroy paymasters
and their escorts, quartermaster trains, and commissary
trains, Colonel Moseby regarded as his special and par
ticular province, and every one of his men was on the
special look-out for chances of this kind. On the occa
sion now under consideration, Brevet Major Paymaster
Tilletson was on his way from Williamsport to Shepherds-

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. 121

town, Md, accompanied by a captain, three lieutenants,
and six privates — the latter and one lieutenant as an es
cort, the other officers returning to their respective com
mands from sick-leaves. Suddenly, without a moment's
warning, Moseby, with a number of his gang, sprang out
upon them, and, holding a cocked pistol at the head of
each, demanded their surrender. Of course, they could
do nothing but submit. Each officer was securely bound,
while the privates were either killed or made their escape.
In due time the whole party arrived within the Confed
erate lines, when the Union officers would probably have
been made to illustrate Moseby's maxim, that " dead men
tell no tales," had not an officer who had his authority
direct from the War Department met him and ordered
him to send the prisoners to Richmond. Moseby and his
men helped themselves to so much of the greenbacks as
they could conveniently carry, while tens of thousands of
dollars were found next day scattered along the road be
tween Williamsport and Shepherdstown.

Not long after the capture just related, Moseby and his
men gobbled up another squad of officers, consisting of one
major, two captains, and three lieutenants, who had been
absent on sick-leaves and were then returning to their
respective commands. After they had surrendered as
prisoners of war, their money, watches, and everything
they had of any value was taken from them. When fairly
within the Confederate lines they were taken into a dense
pine-grove, some distance off the road, and then told they
were all to be hung so soon as the needed preparations
could be made. Had a thunderbolt fallen at their feet
from a clear sky, these six Union officers could not have
been more surprised. All protested against such unmili-
tary, unusual, inhuman treatment — some begged for life,
some wept ; but the only reply they could get from Moseby
was, " Prepare for death ! " Providentially, as it would
ii

122 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

seem, one young man of Moseby's band had a " heart of
flesh," and determined, if possible, to save the lives of
these officers. He knew that an officer who had the au
thority to command Moseby (the same referred to in the
preceding incident) was at a farm-house only a few miles
from the pine-grove in which they had stopped for tem
porary encampment, and where these Union officers were
to be executed. Slipping away from his comrades, he
hastened to the farm-house to tell this officer of what
Moseby proposed to do. So soon as the officer was told,
he determined to stop it, if they could only reach there
before the men were executed. The officer and private
mounted fresh horses, borrowed from the farmer, and rode
with breakneck speed until they reached the grove. It
was quite dark, but the camp-fires of Moseby and his men
lighted them to the spot. Springing from his horse at
the edge of the grove, the officer left the two horses in
care of the young man and hastened to where he saw the
camp-fire burning. Stopping for a moment to survey the
scene before making his presence known, he observed the
six Union officers seated on a log on the opposite side of
the fire from where he stood, each with head dropped
upon his breast, each with eyes glaring wildly into va
cancy or suffused with tears, each with lips pale with fear
or moving in silent prayer, and each the very picture of
despair in feature and attitude. Moseby was walking to
and fro in front of them, uttering oaths and imprecations
against them ; guards stood about them or walked their
rounds silently ; while only a little way off, in plain sight,
others were busy throwing over or affixing ropes to
limbs preparatory for execution. It was a scene which
only the pencil of a Raphael might have sketched or a
Correggio have painted.

The officer, having fully surveyed and comprehended
the whole scene, suddenly sprang from the darkness into

124

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. 125

the light of the camp-fire, and in a sharp tone demanded
of Colonel Moseby what all this meant.

" You see what it means," Moseby replied, pointing to
the men who were affixing the ropes to the trees.

" Who are these prisoners, and what have they done
that you propose to hang them ? " asked the officer.

" They are d — d Yankee officers whom I captured this
afternoon, and purpose to hang them to-night. Dead men
never bite," answered Moseby.

" I purpose," said the officer, " that you do no such
thing; that these officers be sent under guard to Richmond,
and that you yourself report there at once under arrest."

Of course a good deal more was said, and a great many
oaths uttered on both sides, but the above is about the
substance. The Union officers heard and saw all that
was said and done, but were so dumbfounded that they
could not say a word or utter a cry even to each other.
When they did finally comprehend it all, they regarded
their deliverer as one sent from heaven, and were ready
to fall down and worship him. The transition from death
to life was so sudden, so unexpected, that it was some
time before they could fully realize whether they were in
the body or out of the body, whether their natural senses
were still of the earth, earthy, or whether they had been
suddenly translated to another sphere, where angels only
sing " peace on earth and good will towards men ! "

In pursuance of the commanding officer's orders, the
six Union officers were next day forwarded, as prisoners
of war, to Richmond ; while Moseby himself soon after
reported at the Adjutant General's office under arrest, to
await such action as the authorities might think proper in
his case. And thus, and thus, were the lives of six more
men saved from the infernal clutch and ravenous maw of
this hyena in human form.

Not many days after, the same officer who had released

126 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

from Moseby's clutch the six Union officers above spoken
of, chanced to be riding along a public highway when he
observed, at considerable distance off, in a deep gully, a
man entirely naked, dodging from place to place, as if in
fear or distress. The sight was so strange that the officer
turned his horse's head and quickly rode to the place
where he had first seen the man. Here he found not the
one only, but three, all entirely naked, and all huddled to
gether, as if to protect themselves from each other's sight
The officer demanded what it all meant. It was some
moments before the men could answer at all, but when
they did, they told the Confederate officer that they were
three Union officers who had been gobbled up the day
before by Moseby's guerillas, stripped of everything they
had on earth, even to their shirts, and then left in that
woods or ravine to do as best they might, with the warn
ing, however, that if they made the least alarm they would
be again caught and either hung or shot ; that they had
feared to approach any house in their nude state, lest they
might be shot at as ghosts or wild men ; that they had
not had a morsel of food for a long time, and that even
death was preferable to longer enduring such suspense
and torture. The officer had seen inhumanity in almost
every possible shape, but this, he said, was a refinement
of cruelty which shocked him more than anything he had
ever seen before. He went to a house, not far off, and
obtained shirts for two, and a woman's chemise for one,
with such other clothing as they chanced to have. Thus,
partially dressed, he then took them to the house, where
they remained while the officer went to other houses of
the neighborhood to get enough additional clothing to
cover their nakedness. He then had them accompany
him to the nearest military command, where he turned
them over as regular prisoners of war. And thus were
three more clutched from the grasp of these bloodthirsty

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. I2/

hyenas. Clutched from death, too, for had they not been
seen and rescued by this officer, they would, in all human
probability, have been sought for by the guerillas next
day, and either shot or hung.

There was no month, and probably but few weeks or
days, during the entire war that Moseby's guerillas were
not planning or executing some villanous enterprise
against the Union army or Union men ; but we have
room only for a few more, and these we will select from
his operations in the Shenandoah Valley and vicinity
during the summer and fall of 1864.

In August, 1864, General Sheridan was assigned to the
command of the Middle Military Division, comprising
the Middle Department and the Departments of Wash
ington, the Susquehanna, and West Virginia. Occupying
the Shenandoah Valley, in front of Sheridan, General
Early lay, with about eighteen thousand Confederate
troops. To drive these troops out of, or at least further
up, the Valley, and to keep them so employed that no
part of them should be detached from Early to send to
Hood in his defence of Atlanta against the attack of
Sherman, was Sheridan's first concern during the summer
and fall of '64. In pursuance of this plan, on the loth
of August, Sheridan began to move out his forces from
Halltown for the possession of the Shenandoah Valley.
When Early's positions were reached, he fell back, and
continued to fall back, until he reached Fisher's Hill,
beyond Strasburg. In pursuing Early, Sheridan had
passed several gaps in the mountains which skirt the
Valley, and left them unguarded. Moseby, learning of
this, hastily got together as many of his guerillas as
possible, dashed through Snicker's Gap on the 1 3th,
struck Sheridan's supply-train, which was only guarded
by Kenly's brigade of one hundred days' men, at Berry-
ville, and, before the guard had fairly recovered from the

128 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

panic, Moseby had captured the entire train, consisting of
seventy-five wagons, from five to six hundred horses and
mules, two hundred beef cattle, and a large quantity of
stores. He also secured over two hundred prisoners.
His own loss was only two killed and three wounded.

The attack and loss were so sudden, so unexpected, and
so exaggerated in the telling from one soldier to another,
that they seemed for the moment to paralyze Sheridan's
entire army ; so much so that he deemed it expedient to
make a retrograde movement, which he continued until
he reached, on the 2 1st of August, a position about two
miles out from Charlestown. While Sheridan was thus
falling back from day to day, Moseby's guerillas hung
upon his rear and flanks, treacherously capturing and
killing whenever opportunity offered. In one instance,
it is alleged, after taking some Union cavalrymen pris
oners ; after, indeed, they had fully surrendered as pris
oners of war and been disarmed, Moseby ordered every one
of them brutally murdered on the spot, in pursuance of
his maxim that " dead men never bite." In retaliation
for this terrible outrage, Sheridan ordered that from
thenceforth every house and barn of these half-guerillas,
half-farmers in the Valley, that could possibly be reached
by his cavalrymen, should be destroyed.

Not only in retaliation for this one act, but for scores
of other acts of a like or worse character, of which they
were cognizant, and with a view to strike terror into the
minds of such men as had been, and still were, harboring
and encouraging these guerillas — men who were farmers
by day and robbers by night — both General Grant and
General Sheridan determined to inaugurate a wholesale
system of devastation in the localities where these out
rages had been mostly carried on — especially in the Vir
ginia counties of Shenandoah, Rockingham, Loudon, and
Fauquier. As a result of this policy — or, more properly

GUERILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH. I2Q

speaking, as a result of the outrages which had been perpe
trated by Mosebys guerillas (for the policy would never
have been thought of but for these outrages) — the fol
lowing destruction of property is reported to have oc
curred in the four counties named, between the 1st of
October, when the policy was inaugurated, and the fore
part of December (1864), when Merritt's cavalry division
crossed the Blue Ridge, and made a grand raid through
the upper part of Loudon and Fauquier counties :

In Shenandoah and Rockingham counties — according
to the official report of a commissioner of the revenue to
the Richmond authorities — "there were burned 18 dwell
ing-houses, 215 barns, n grist-mills, 9 water saw-mills,
2 steam saw-mills, I furnace, 2 forges, I fulling-mill, be
sides a number of smaller buildings, such as stables, etc.
The quantity of grain destroyed is immense. I cannot
give you any idea of the amount of grain, hay, fodder,
etc., destroyed, but the quantity is very large."

In Loudon and Fauquier counties — according to the
official report made by General Sheridan to General Grant
at the time — the property burned and captured was as
follows: BURNED — barns, 1168; mills, 49; tanneries, I;
factories, 2 ; distilleries, 6 ; tons of hay, 27,620 ; bushels
of wheat, 51,500; bushels of corn, 62,900; bushels of
oats, 2000; haystacks, 1121; wheatstacks, 57; stacks of
other grains, 104. CAPTURED — horses, 388 ; mules, 8 ;
cattle, 5520; sheep, 5837; swine, 1141. Total estimated
value of property destroyed and captured in these two
counties, $2,508,756.

It should be added, as a further reason for the destruc
tion of wheat, corn, hay, etc., that General Lee had been
drawing his supplies largely from these four counties,
and it was therefore for the purpose of crippling Lee's
army, as well as to punish these farmers for harboring

I

I3O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

and aiding Moseby's guerillas, that this wholesale de
struction of property was planned and executed.

Those who have witnessed the distress following the
burning of a single dwelling-house, or a single barn with
contents, in a neighborhood of farmers, can form some
faint idea of the distress which must have followed the
burning of eighteen dwelling-houses, and 1383 barns,
with all their contents, and with all the stacks of grain,
hay, and fodder surrounding them ! Even the thought
is fearful, — how much more the reality ! After what we
have related of the operations of Moseby's guerillas —
and what we have told is not a hundredth part of what
might be told — none of our readers, we think, will ques
tion the propriety of the caption to this chapter, " GUE
RILLAS ON THE WAR-PATH — Cunning and Duplicity Prompt
ing the Actors ; " nor, after learning of the destruction of
property which followed, will any one, we think, question
the third line of the caption, "Destruction in the Back
ground!"

132

CHAPTER IX.

WHAT BECAME OF SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE

WAR.

NEBER SEED *EM ANY MORE."

IT is a well-attested fact, that there were many less
slaves, or those who had been slaves, in the United
States on the Qth of April, 1865, when General Lee sur
rendered to General Grant, near the Appomattox Court-
House, than when the war commenced by the firing on
Fort Sumter, on the I2th of April, 1861. Had there
been no war, and had the ratio of increase been the same
from 1 86 1 to 1865 as it had been for the previous four
years, there would have been several hundred thousand
more in 1865 than there were in 1861.

It is also well known that from and after the 1st of
January, 1863, when President Lincoln's proclamation
of freedom to the slave — issued on the 22d of Sep
tember, 1862 — went into effect, many hundreds, if not
thousands, of those who had been slaves were taken into
the military service of the United States ; that, when
captured by the Confederate forces, they were not recog
nized as prisoners of war, but in many cases, as at Fort
Pillow, were massacred like so many dogs ; that thousands
were destroyed in this way, and that many other thousands
died on fields of battle ; that many during the war tried
to escape, but, being overtaken, were killed on sight by
their former masters or their agents ; that the excessive
amount of labor which they were compelled to perform
'* 'S3

134 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

for their masters on plantations, and for the Confederate
government, in digging rifle-pits and throwing up fortifi
cations, lessened their power of reproduction, and caused
thousands of premature deaths ; but, notwithstanding all
these facts, there still remains a very large number to be
accounted for; and to account for these in part, if not
wholly, is the object of the present chapter.

The facts which we shall relate in this connection can
not fail to be as startling to our readers as they were to
us. They have never before been related, either in book or
newspaper form ; nor would they now be, but that time
has wiped out the passions of the war and the limits of
personal responsibility, and made the facts legitimate for
the purposes of history.

That our readers may understand that no animosity
towards the South, or the Southern Confederacy, nor sym
pathy with the slave in any way, has led to the divulging
of these facts, we may say that Colonel Abercrombie, to
whom we are indebted for the facts, is a Southern man
(a Baltimorian) by birth, and from his earliest recollection
was taught to look upon the negro as a different race from
our own — as a chattel, to be bought and sold, the same
as a horse or cow ; that he was a captain in the Thirteenth
United States Infantry in the early stages of the war, but,
being convinced that his duty lay with the South, re
signed his commission in the United States army, went
South, joined the Confederate service, and remained as an
officer in that service until the close of the war ; and that
it was not until soon after the war, when he went from
New York to Galveston by steamship, and from Galveston
travelled nearly all over Texas on horseback, that he be
came fully aware of the facts which he detailed to us, and
which we now purpose to communicate to our readers.

The Colonel, Captain Philip Lander, and three others,
left Galveston for Brownsville about the middle of June,

SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE WAR. 135

1865. From Galveston to Houston they went by steam
boat; at Houston they purchased mules, and from thence
forth pursued their journey on muleback. At Columbus
they found a considerable number of Confederate soldiers,
who had belonged to General Kirby Smith's command,
and were then on their way to their homes. At Bastrop
they found two companies of United States volunteers
doing guard duty. At Austin, the capital of the State,
they found General Sturges with four companies of the
regiment which he commanded, the Seventh United States
Cavalry. About the middle of July, they left Austin for
San Antonio. On the road they saw two men in one
place, and one in another, hanging by the neck to limbs
of trees, who had been strung up there by roving banditti
— probably on the suspicion that they were Union men —
and left to hang there as a warning to others. At San
Antonio they found General Magruder, who claimed that
he had not yet surrendered, though " lying around loose,"
and, as they afterwards learned, was probably looking
after the interests of slave exporters, rather than the in
terests of the Southern Confederacy. It was the latter part
of August when they left San Antonio for Brownsville.
After five days' travel from San Antonio, and just before
reaching the branch road which leads to Brazos San Diego,
from the main military road to Brownsville, they over
took a gang of from six to eight hundred negroes, in
charge of, and driven along by, about forty white men,
part Americans and part Mexicans. The negroes con
sisted of men, women, and children. There were no old
men or old women among them. Some were handcuffed
together; others were tied together with ropes; others
not bound in any way. Some women were carrying
children in their arms. All were on foot and seemed
weary from long travel. Their drivers were all on horse
back, some at the front, some at the sides, and some in

136 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the rear, all armed with pistols, all with whips in their
hands, and all with curses in their mouths, which were
hurled at the poor negroes on the slightest provocation.
Like cattle drivers, or worse, those at the sides and rear
were constantly hallooing, cursing, and saying to the
negroes, " Git along ! git along ! Faster ! faster ! " with
an oath between each command. Many of the women,
especially such as were carrying children, seemed ready
to faint from exhaustion, and often turned their faces be
seechingly, and with tears in their eyes, towards their
drivers, but their pleadings were only met by curses, still
louder and still deeper, from their inhuman captors and
drivers. Behind the gang were three two-wheeled carts and
an old ambulance, in the first of which rations, etc., were
carried; in the ambulance, besides old clothes, lay a
woman whom the drivers said " was about to kid."

The Colonel and his party rode along with this negro-
driving party some three or four hours, meanwhile gather
ing from their own lips all they could relative to the
character and extent of the business ; how, when, and where
inaugurated ; how and to whom they sold their human
chattels ; what the profits of the business, and with whom
the profits were divided ; what part, if any, the former
owner got, etc., etc. The drivers were not at all disposed
to be communicative, nevertheless a considerable amount
of information was drawn from them, part of which led
to other clues, which, being followed up, led to additional
information, the whole resulting in a development of the
facts embraced in this chapter.

When the branch road before spoken of was reached,
the negro-drivers, with their drove of human chattels,
turned off for Brazos San Diego, while the Colonel and
his party pursued their way to Brownsville (opposite
Matamoras), which they reached on the following day.
Here, too, they saw a considerable number of negroes in

SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE WAR. 137

confinement, awaiting boats to take them down the Rio
Grande River and thence to a market. From Brownsville
the Colonel and his party went into Mexico, where they
remained about six months. In February, 1866, the
Colonel returned to Texas, and while stopping some time
with Mr. Higgins, a large landowner and extensive cat
tle raiser, near Bastrop, overheard a Mexican ask his son,
William Higgins, to get up a fandango at»his saw-mills
and invite all the negroes of the neighborhood, in order
that he (the Mexican) and his party might have oppor
tunity to seize some of the negroes and run them off to
a market. This, it will be borne in mind, was about ten
months after the close of the war, about six months since
the Colonel had seen the drove of negroes on the road to
Brazos San Diego, and about three years after President
Lincoln's proclamation went into effect, declaring freedom
to every slave within the limits of the Southern Confed
eracy.

Of course, the Colonel was surprised at hearing such a
proposition, and, though as much of a pro-slavery man
as any one could be after all that had transpired, still felt
curious to know all about this new business, or old busi
ness, as it might happen to be, of kidnapping, running
off, and selling such as had been slaves. His inquiries
resulted in developing the following facts :

For many years prior to the war the breeding and rais
ing of negroes had become as much of a standard busi
ness in Virginia as the planting and raising of cotton had
formerly been, or as the breeding and raising of cattle
still is in Texas. As the lands became poorer in Virginia
from long cultivation, the raising of crops became less
and less profitable, until it was finally discovered that to
raise about enough of crops to supply themselves and
their negroes with bread and clothing, and to devote all
else of their thoughts and energies to the raising of ne-

12*

138 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

groes for market and use in States where the climate and
quality of soil made the raising of cotton and rice a re
munerative business, would, in the long run, be much
more profitable to them. This, therefore, became the
general sense of the State, and from thenceforth was gen
erally pursued throughout the State. This necessitated
middlemen, or slave merchants — such as would purchase
the slave of the Virginia farmer at such price as might be
agreed upon, take him or her to his place of business,
put them in the best possible trim for a market, and then
take them off in droves to South Carolina, Georgia, Ala
bama, or wherever else needed, and sell them at private
or public sale for the best prices they could obtain.
Whatever inhumanity there might be in such business, it
certainly resulted in large profits, especially to the dealers,
and hence it is not at all surprising that a great many
should have been engaged in it.

When the war commenced there were hundreds, if not
thousands, of these slave-dealers throughout the South.
Some went into the army; some, who had well-filled
purses, fled to Cuba, to Canada, to Nassau, to England ;
while others, too poor to get away, too cowardly to fight,
too lazy to work, and too ignorant to do any business
other than what they hagl been doing, remained in the
country and continued to ply their vocation whenever
and wherever opportunity offered. It was a fixed policy
with the Confederate Government not to allow slaves to be
taken or sold beyond their bounds, and that every possi
ble precaution be taken to prevent the escape of slaves
into the Union lines; but the Government had no ob
jection to the sale and transfer of slaves from Virginia to
Georgia, or to any other of the Confederate States, and
as the Union army advanced into Virginia, rather encour
aged such sales and transfers, to prevent the escape of
slaves into the Union lines. The effect of this was to

SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE WAR. 139

make an active and very profitable business for slave-
dealers, and to largely increase the number of slaves in
the more southern of the Confederate States.

When, besides going into Virginia, Union armies com
menced forward movements into Kentucky and Tennessee,
into Missouri and Arkansas, it was deemed expedient to
run off a large number of the slaves of those States into
Texas, the better to secure them from capture by the
Union armies, and have them where they could be shipped
to foreign ports, if not thereafter needed by the States of
the Confederacy, or if, peradventure, the Confederacy it
self might fail of success. When, on the i6th of Novem
ber, 1864, Sherman commenced his march "from Atlanta
to the sea," a like necessity of getting slaves beyond the
reach of Union soldiers existed in all the Gulf States,
and so far as it was possible to get them into Texas it
was done. How many thousands, yea, how many hun
dreds of thousands were thus driven into Texas from
other Confederate States, God only knows, or will ever
know!

This particular route was made necessary because of
the blockading of Southern ports ; and because once in
Texas, they could be held there until the result of the
war was known. It was not, as before stated, the policy
of the Confederate Government to have the slaves taken
beyond their control, as the corner-stone of the Confed
eracy was to be slavery, and the more they could have
of it the greater, they thought, would be their prosperity;
nor was it the policy of the slave-dealer to take his chattel
beyond the reach of the best market in the world, so long
as there was a reasonable prospect of that market being
kept open. In Texas the dealer had the double chance —
either to return with his human chattels to the Confederate
States, in case it became an established government, or,
if that failed, then to ship them from Brazos San Diego,

I4O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

from Brownsville, from Corpus Christi, from Powder Horn,
or from any other port that might not be blockaded, to
Cuba, to Brazil, or wherever else slavery existed and a
market could be found. These slave-dealers watched the
result of the contest between the North and the South
with the same interest that stock-jobbers and gold-gam
blers watched the rise and fall of stocks, and the rise and
fall of gold, when they had a large quantity of either on
hand, and were waiting to turn their speculation to the
best possible account. When news would reach them
that the Union armies were carrying everything before
them, off would go one or more cargoes of negroes to
Cuba or Brazil. When, by the next mail probably, news
would reach them that the Confederate armies were meet
ing with great successes, making it probable that a Southern
Confederacy would be established, they would regret that
they had sent any away, and hold the firmer to those they
had left. The price at which slaves could be sold — espe
cially at forced or hurried sales — in the Brazil and Cuban
markets, was far less than what they could reasonably
hope to obtain in the Southern Confederacy, provided it
became an acknowledged government.

When shipments of negroes were commenced from the
Texan ports heretofore named, and how often, or to what
extent they were made, we are unable to say definitely ;
but the probabilities are that they commenced immediately
after President Lincoln issued his proclamation of freedom
to the slaves, September 22, 1862, and were made, to a
greater or less extent, thereafter as news reached the
dealers elevating or depressing their hopes of a perma
nent Southern Confederacy. After Sherman commenced
his march from Chattanooga to Atlanta, in May, 1864,
and especially after he resumed his march from Atlanta
to Savannah, in November, 1864, and still more especially
after he commenced his march from Savannah to Charles-

SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE WAR. 14!

ton, and thence to Richmond, in January, 1865, the slave-
dealers in Texas thought they saw the handwriting on
the wall, " MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN" — "Thou art
weighed in the balances, and art found wanting," and from
thenceforth every steamer, schooner, or water-craft of any
kind, that could carry ten or more persons, and which
they could possibly procure in any way, was secured to
run the negroes from Texas to such markets as it were
possible to reach. They could not be taken to the prin
cipal open ports of either Cuba or Brazil, lest, being seen
by an anti-slavery man, the facts might be reported to
United States consuls and thence to the United States
government ; but they were taken to out-of-the-way places
along the coast of both countries, where copartners in
the business were in waiting to receive and make further
disposition of them. The money received from sales
was sent back to the copartners in Texas by the partner
or agent bringing out the last lot, and thus a flow of
negroes in one direction, and a flow of money, with which
to buy more, in another direction, was kept up constantly.
But it was not necessary in all cases to make purchases
and payments. Indeed, towards the close of the war,
actual purchases were seldom made, and after the close
of the war, none at all, though the business still remained
active. The plan pursued was this : a dealer would go to
a planter, to a farmer, or to a man living in town or city,
and ask him how many slaves he owned. The answer
would be ten, twenty, fifty, one hundred, or more, as the
case might be ; but he would probably add, immediately
after, that only one-half, or one-fourth, or less were then
with him — the others were hired out, or with the army,
helping to dig trenches, or running at large, he did not
know where. The dealer, after explaining to the owner
the nature of his business, would propose to take from
him a written bill of sale of all the negroes he owned

142 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

take his own chances of catching them when and where
he could, send them to a market when and where he
could, and divide with the owner whatever might be the
net result of sales. The owner, reasoning from the stand
point that " a half loaf is better than no bread," and that
if the Confederacy proved a failure he would get nothing
at all for his slaves, would enter into such written agree
ment with the dealer. With this in his pocket, to assure
him from interference from pro-slavery men, and to prove
to all who might question him that his business was of a
" mercantile" rather than of a kidnapping, character, the
dealer and his agents would go forth to seize the negroes
— men, women, and children — for whom he had bills of
sale in his pocket. If resisted by a white man, out would
come his bill of sale to prove title ; if resisted by a black
man, he was shot down or hung on the spot ; if resisted
by the alleged slave, he was at once handcuffed, gagged,
and marched away; if identity was questioned by a white
man, the questioner had to prove property, while the bill
of sale held by the dealer was regarded as prima facie
evidence of his right to the person claimed ; if identity
was questioned by the person seized, or by any other
colored man, he was laughed at, gagged, or shot down.
In this way thousands were seized, thousands driven from
where seized into Texas, and tens of thousands run from
Texas to Brazilian and Cuban ports.

After the close of the war, the fact that they had been
made free by proclamation and by law spread rapidly
among those who had been slaves, and from thenceforth
the business of kidnapping and running them off became
much more dangerous. While travelling through Texas,
our informant met many negroes on the road with pistols
at their sides, or guns upon their shoulders, and, when
asked what it meant, they would reply, " Des am dan
gerous times, sa ; we has to protect ourselves, you know."

SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE WAR. 143

He saw, too, as before stated, both black men and white
men hanging to the limbs of trees by the roadside, some
of whom, doubtless, had been hung there because of re
sistance to kidnappers. All manner of means were de
vised by these kidnappers to catch the negroes when and
where they could make the least resistance and the least
noise. Even ten months after the war, as before stated,
one of these dealers — the partner, probably, of an exten
sive firm, made up of both Americans and Mexicans —
proposed to William Higgins to get up a fandango, or
dance, at his saw-mills, and invite thereto all the negroes
in the neighborhood, for the purpose, and only for the
purpose, of enabling these kidnappers to seize and run
off as many as could be ensnared within the trap, or got
hold of; and, as we have seen, it was four months after
the war that the drove of from six to eight hundred ne
groes were seen on the road to Brazos San Diego.

It will be a wonder with some readers how it was pos
sible to continue such a business after Union troops had
been stationed at Austin, the capital of the State, under
so able a commander as General Sturges ; and after they
had been stationed at Bastrop, and at other large towns
throughout the State. The explanation is simply this :
While the sentiment of the Union troops was entirely op
posed to any such traffic, and while, in pursuance of law,
their duty plainly was to hang any man whom they found
engaged in such a business, yet the sentiment of the white
people, among whom the troops were located, was largely,
if not universally, in favor of the traffic, and hence they
would not inform against those who were engaged in it ;
and had the troops learned of, and attempted to arrest,
any of the parties, every white man of the town or neigh
borhood would have risen in arms and attempted the
rescue of the parties. Law, without public sentiment to
sustain it, is a dead letter, or nearly so, under all circum-

144 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

stances, and where public sentiment is decidedly opposed
to a law, its execution is next to impossible.

Another wonder, scarcely less than the first, will be
with some readers, how it could be possible that honora
ble men — men whose personal characters before the war
were above reproach, either from Southern or Northern
men ; men who had led consistent Christian lives, and
who had been regarded as bright and shining lights in
their respective church organizations, could permit such
things to be done before their very eyes, and look on
indifferently, if not approvingly. The explanation is this :
Most of this business of running off slaves was done with
out the knowledge of the Confederate authorities. Indeed,
had it come to their ears during the earlier stages of the
war they would have done what they could to prevent it,
however indifferent they might have been to it during
the last year or last few months of the war. But a far
weightier reason is, that what seems so heinous, so dia
bolical, so criminal indeed, to a Northern anti-slavery
man, was, in the eyes of a Southern pro-slavery man,
only a fair business transaction, based on Bible authority,
State law, and the law of self-preservation. They regarded
these negroes as much the property of those who had
owned them, as horses or cattle would have been. Nor
did they regard the proclamation of President Lincoln
and the acts of Congress, whereby slaves were declared
free, with any more awe or respect than they would have
regarded a like proclamation, or like acts of Congress, if
issued or made with regard to horses or cattle. Hence,
to their consciences it was no more of a sin to seize and
run off to a market these negroes during the war, or even
after the war, than it would have been to seize or run off
from the grasp of an enemy a like number of horses or cat
tle. That conscience is largely dependent on surroundings,
and on education, is no longer a disputable question among

SLAVES DURING AND AFTER THE WAR. 145

mental philosophers. That the cannibal, who kills and eats
his fellow-man, is just as conscientious in what he does as
the man who kills and .eats a lamb, is now a generally ad
mitted fact. With this philosophic truth as a stand-point
from which to look at the subject, who can doubt that
General Polk, who for so many years had been the univer
sally respected and highly beloved Bishop of the diocese
of Louisiana, was just as conscientious in his advocacy of
slavery, and in his defence of the Southern Confederacy,
as Bishop Simpson was in his opposition to slavery and
his advocacy of the Union. Who can doubt that General
Pendleton, who had been for so many years a reverend
doctor in the Episcopal Church, and the head of a semi
nary near Alexandria, Va., and who never gave the order
to fire without first raising his eyes heavenward and say
ing, "God have mercy on their souls," was just as con
scientious in the belief that slavery was justified by the
Bible, and approved of by God, as John Wesley was in the
belief that " slavery was the sum of all villanies " ? Who
can doubt that General Jackson (" Stonewall "), with
whom the Bible was a constant companion, who prayed
while he marched, who prayed when he encamped, who
prayed even while directing the movements of a battle,
was just as conscientious in his belief that slavery was
right, as Wendell Phillips was that slavery was wrong;
just as conscientious in the belief that the Southern Con
federacy should succeed, in order to make slavery per
petual in this country, as General Birney was that the
Union cause should succeed, if for no other reason than
to wipe out slavery once and forever from the United
States. This, certainly, is the charitable view to take of
the whole subject ; nor, with our present knowledge of
ethics and mental philosophy, is it any more charitable
than true.

Reason about it as we may, however, the fact remains
13 K

146 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

that tens of thousands, probably hundreds of thousands,
were driven out and run out of the United States in the
manner indicated, and are now, if still alive, toiling as
slaves in other lands ; and that many a father, many a
mother, many a sister, and many a brother, after their
loved ones had been thus kidnapped and taken away,
without any knowledge upon the part of their friends,
have had reason to cry out in the bitterness of their
souls, " We neber seed 'em any more /"

148

CHAPTER X.

THE CONFEDERACY AS SEEN FROM WITHIN.
PRIDE, PASSION, AND WANT IN THE BACKGROUND.

OINCE the war, we have seen, and had long conversa-
O tions with, a reverend doctor, whom we had known
for many years previous to the war, who resided in Vir
ginia when the war commenced, was among the first to
take part in it, and who continued in the service until the
war closed. We have also met other Confederate officers
since the war, some of whom had extraordinary facilities
for obtaining information while the war continued. From
all these we learned much beyond anything we had ever
known before, or ever seen in newspapers or books. To
put on record some of the things so learned is the object
of the present chapter.

The South well knew, in the very beginning of the
contest, that in point of numbers, in wealth, and in ma
terial resources, it was greatly inferior to the North. They
had hope, however, of dividing the North, or, rather, of
having the North divide against itself; and had the one-
hundredth part of the promises made them by Northern
men been kept, there would indeed have been a division
of force, as well as a division of political sentiment, in
the North ; and the result of such division might have
given the final victory to the Confederacy, instead of to
the Union cause. But what the South relied upon still
more, was assistance from England. They had been
led to believe that King Cotton was almost, if not quite,
13* 149

I5O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

as powerful in England as Queen Victoria, and they had
laid the " flattering unction to their souls " that so soon
as King Cotton saw those who had made him king in dis
tress, he would rush, pell-mell, to their rescue ; scatter
the Yankee blockading squadrons to the winds ; throw
open all the Southern ports ; bring men, ammunition, cloth
ing, and provisions to exchange for their cotton, and
thus, beyond any reasonable doubt, insure success to the
Southern cause.

As well assured as they felt of all this, they still re
garded it as important to keep all the while the "best
foot foremost;" to keep up an appearance of strength,
however weak they might be ; to keep up a show of in
dependence, however much they might be hoping and
praying for help. Like as an expectant bride, though she
has the plighted faith of her lover, will continue to smile,
to dress, to allure in every way she can, up to the very
hour of the marriage ceremony, so the South continued
to smile, to dress, to allure, in every way she could, her
Northern allies, who had solemnly plighted their faith to
her, and her English sympathizers, whose pecuniary in
terests lay all in that direction, and these things she
continued to do up to the very moment when the Con
federacy collapsed, and when it was found that nothing
was left of the egg but the shell. As our reverend friend
said to us, over and over again, and as other Confederate
officers have said to us, over and over again, " none but
those within the lines, and behind the scenes, knew of the
destitution, of the suffering, of the heart-aches, of the
skeletons within closets while those who held the keys
were smiling as if they were full of good things, of the
turns and shifts which not only the army but which
almost every family in the South had to make, in order
to preserve life, and yet keep up a fair outside show,
during those four terrible years of war." And now for

THE CONFEDERACY AS SEEN FROM WITHIN. 151

the illustrations — little or none of which has ever before
been published.

After the first year of the war, so much in want of food
was the Confederate army at times, that, in one instance,
an officer, with an escort, travelled sixty miles before he
could purchase food enough to load one six-mule wagon
which he had with him. Even then they had to go
within the Union lines, and run very great risk of being
captured.

The same officer from whom we learned the above
incident, also told us that, on one occasion, he and the
men with him were so ravenous from hunger that he shot
an old sow that had had a large litter of pigs only the day
before, and that while he and his fellow officers ate the
meat (if meat it could be called) of the old sow, his men
ate not only the one-day-old pigs, but even the very
entrails of the mother.

On another occasion this same officer shot an opossum
that had just been having its young, and while, under
ordinary circumstances, he could no more have eaten its
flesh than he could have eaten a viper, yet such was his
hunger at the time that the dish seemed palatable. Often,
he said, he had gone for a whole day, and occasionally
two or three days at a time, without one " square meal ;"
and this he knew to be an ordinary experience among
officers of, the Confederate army, especially during the
last year of the war, and largely so during the two or three
last years of the war. Certainly, if there was an officer
in that army who had opportunities to live on the " fat of
the land," he was one of them, and if he suffered thus,
God only knows what must have been the sufferings of
others !

Early in the war, coffee became scarce, and, during the
last year or two, hardly to be had at all within the lines
of the Confederacy. To procure it, all manner of devices

152 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

were resorted to. On one occasion, when two sentinels
were within calling distance of each other — one on either
side of an intervening deep ravine — a Confederate officer
present told his sentinel to ask the Union sentinel whether
his company had any coffee which they would exchange
for tobacco. The Union sentinel inquired of his captain,
and after a time hallooed back that they had of their com
pany rations a bag of coffee left over, which they would
exchange for tobacco, provided they could make a good
trade. The Confederate officer instructed his sentinel to
reply that they would give twenty-five boxes of plug
tobacco for one bag of coffee. The offer was accepted,
and as soon after as the coffee and the tobacco could be
brought to the spot, the Union sentinel rolled down the
bag of coffee, the Confederate sentinel rolled down the
twenty-five boxes of tobacco, to the foot of the ravine,
when, with assistants, each took away the article traded
for — hostilities being suspended meanwhile. Each of the
parties was highly pleased with the trade. Before the
war one or two boxes of tobacco would have brought in
the New York market as much, if not more, than one bag
of coffee.

Pins and needles became so scarce in the Confederacy
that at least one man — a Mr. Webster Sly, of Charles
County, Md., brother to a celebrated doctor in that vicin
ity — made quite a fortune by smuggling trunks full of
these articles across the Union lines and selling them
within the Confederate lines.

As early as 1863, one of our informants saw dogs in
the streets of Charleston so emaciated that they could
scarcely walk, and at one time saw one of these animals
leaning against a fence and chewing upon an old shoe.
In that city and in Richmond he knew of families who
had once been wealthy that were, during the war, com
pelled to sell not only their clothing, but even their beds,

THE CONFEDERACY AS SEEN FROM WITHIN. 153

to procure food to live upon. Our reverend friend him
self, though at one time the owner of a handsome house
and of slaves, had, while at Petersburg, been compelled
to live, with his wife and daughter, in a garret, and upon
food that a dog would scarcely have eaten under ordinary
circumstances.

Not only did such destitution prevail throughout the
Confederate States during the war, but still worse evils
prevailed, engendered by pride, jealousy, and passion.
While this fact was carefully concealed from Northern
eyes and ears, and from English eyes and ears, yet it pre
vailed to an alarming extent, and when occasionally it
would burst forth in such violence as to cause death, no
mention of the fact was made in the newspapers at Rich
mond lest it might reach Northern or English ears.

Almost at the beginning of the war two parties sprang
up in the Confederacy, known as the " Davis party" and
the " Stephens party." President Davis advocated one
line of policy ; Vice-President Stephens advocated another
line of policy. Their respective friends took sides, each
with his chief, and so bitter became the strife between
the two, that when the Government was removed from
Montgomery to Richmond Mr. Stephens would not come
there to preside over the deliberations of the Senate. At
one time, in 1863, the strife between their respective par
tisans in the Confederate Congress, then meeting in
Richmond, became so great, that a Virginian (a Davis
man) shot and killed a Georgian (a Stephens man) upon
the floor of the House for some words uttered in debate.
The excitement for the moment was intense. Pistols and
bowie-knives were drawn by dozens of Congressmen, and
it seemed that many additional lives would have to be
sacrificed then and there before the affray could end, but
erelong quiet was restored and the dead body of the
slain member removed from the chamber. Our informant

154 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

saw the dead body as it was carried along the street, in
quired after and learned all the incidents of the bloody
affair, but neither on that day nor on any day thereafter
was a word said about it in the Richmond newspapers.

Another cause of much irritation, much jealousy, and
much bad blood, arose in the appointing of general of
ficers for the Confederate army. Mr. Davis, being him
self a "West-Pointer," it was not unnatural that he should
prefer, in all cases, graduates of West Point ; but, as the
people of the several States had to furnish not only the
money, but the men for the army, it was not unnatural
that they should desire to see some of their leading citi
zens in command of the men they furnished. The people
believed that brains were quite as essential to success as
teclmical military knowledge, and were not willing to trust
all their interests, personal and pecuniary, to the direction
of such as knew little or nothing beyond military tactics.
The demand became so strong and so persistent that the
administration yielded, so far as to appoint Bishop Polk,
Rev. Dr. Pendleton, John C. Breckinridge, and Bradley
Johnson, to generalships ; but beyond this, few, if any,
held high positions in the army, other than West-Point
ers. Towards the close of the war, General Lee said, at
a dinner given to army officers, at Orange Court-House,
near his headquarters, that from thenceforth the " policy
of the government would be to give promotion to such,
and such only, as fairly earned it on the field of battle,
without regard to their previous military education."
This speech was reported at once in every part of the
Confederacy, and as he was presumed to speak by author
ity, it had the effect to quiet', in a great measure, the ex
citement which had so long existed relative to military
appointments.

Another source of demoralization, and, consequently,
of weakness in the Confederacy, was the disposition to

THE CONFEDERACY AS SEEN FROM WITHIN. 155

gamble among so many of its officers and leading citi
zens. At Richmond, while so many, who had been
affluent, were almost starving; while the gradual dis
appearance, and finally the entire absence, of cats and
dogs in the city, proved that meat other than lamb
was supplying the tables of many of its citizens ; while
even the highest officers of State were, at times, sorely
perplexed about food for their families, the gambling
houses of that city were doing a splendid business, and
furnishing free lunches to their patrons far superior to
what could be found upon the table of President Davis
or any member of his cabinet. Indeed, it became well
known among Confederate army officers, and among the
leading gentlemen of the city as well, that the best eata
bles and the best drinkables to be had in the Confederacy
were to be had at these gambling saloons, and many a
one was induced to patronize them on this account more
than on any other. It was said that the proprietors of
these saloons could obtain, and did obtain, supplies from
the North, when the highest officers and the wealthiest
men of Richmond could not obtain them. How done,
except through pals and noted gamblers, some of whom
were well-known spies, and often in Washington, was
never known. Notwithstanding the expensive free lunches
given by these gambling houses every day, they made im
mense amounts of money. What they made in gold
and greenbacks they carefully stored away, or made use
of in the purchase of supplies. What they got in Con
federate money they invested in real estate, so that, when
the war ended, the gamblers of Richmond owned more
real estate than any other class of persons, if not more
than all other classes combined. What was true of Rich
mond, in all these particulars, was probably true of every
other city in the Confederacy.

Still another source of weakness in the Confederacy

156 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

was the lack of confidence, almost from the beginning, in
the currency issued by the government, or by its author
ity. It was thought to be a terrible condition of things
in the North when a gold dollar commanded $2.85 in
greenbacks; when muslin, that had sold for ten cents
per yard, sold for thirty; when coffee, sugar, meats,
almost everything, commanded double, and, in some
cases, treble the prices at which they had sold before
the war; but these were as nothing when compared
with the South. A single chicken leg, or a single
chicken wing, with a small piece of corn-bread tied to
it, sold at from one to two dollars at many of the rail
road depots ; a drink of brandy or whiskey, at the Ballard
House, Richmond, cost five dollars ; a single meal, at the
same house, ten dollars ; a gentleman's dressing-gown,
smuggled through from the North by a land blockade-run
ner, sold, in Richmond, for eleven hundred dollars. Of
course, all these prices mean Confederate currency. Such
as were wise enough to invest their Confederate money
in real estate had something of real value after the war.
Such as failed to do this, had large amounts in what pur
ported to be money, but not one penny in real value, after
the war ended. Every dollar of gold or silver that came
within the Confederate lines, after the second year of the
war, was either hoarded or hid away, or expended for
needed supplies, in which case it soon found its way back
to the North or to England.

And thus we close this tenth scene of the drama, in
which we have endeavored to give our readers a glimpse
of the Southern Confederacy as seen from within; and to
show, too, that pride, passion, and want formed a fearful
picture in the background.

158

CHAPTER XI.

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED.
KINDNESS AND POWER (HAND-IN-HAND) BEHIND THE SCENES.

'IPHE city of Alexandria is situated about seven miles
1 below Washington, on the Potomac River. It was
at one time a part of the District of Columbia, but, by
a subsequent arrangement, was retroceded to Virginia.
Prior to the war it was a place of considerable business ;
contained, probably, thirty thousand inhabitants; had
some fine streets, and a few handsome buildings; and
was a favorite place of resort, as well as of residence, for
the more wealthy and influential citizens of that part of
Virginia.

After the war commenced, by the firing on Fort Sumter,
the first object of the United States Government was to
save Washington from falling into the hands of the enemy.
Between the i8th of May and the 23d of June, 1861,
thirty-one fully organized regiments and three indepen
dent companies arrived in that city. Of these, four were
from Pennsylvania, also the three independent companies,
four from Massachusetts, eleven from New York State,
four from New Jersey, two from Rhode Island, three from
Connecticut, one from Michigan, and two from Ohio.
These regiments numbered about 28,000 men. Besides
these, there were about 4,000 District of Columbia militia,
organized under Colonel Stone, and about 4,000 regular
United States troops. All these were concentrated, thus
early, for the defence of the capital, and to form a pivot
for future movements.

'59

l6o SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Though these volunteer regiments had had but little
opportunity for drill, the impatience of the North soon
made it necessary for them to make a forward movement
of some kind ; and, as Alexandria was the most approxi
mate point, and as a considerable force of the Confederates
were known to be concentrated there, it was resolved to
make an attack upon, and, if possible, capture that city.
Accordingly, at midnight on the 23d of May, 1861, a
small force was pushed across the Long Bridge to the
Virginia side, to clear and hold the head of the bridge ;
and at two o'clock on the following morning a consider
able force left Washington on foot, while a regiment of
Zouaves, under command of Colonel Ellsworth, left on
two steamers — all for Alexandria. The movement was
so concerted that the force on foot reached the outskirts
of the city at the same time that Ellsworth's force reached
the wharves. The Confederate force at Alexandria was
far too small to contend with the Union force sent against
them, and as the one entered the other retired from the
city. But for the unfortunate death of Colonel Ellsworth,
who was shot by James Jackson, the proprietor of the
Marshall House, while the former was removing a Con
federate flag which had been flying from the flag-staff of
that hotel, and the killing of Jackson, which followed
immediately after, there would have been no blood shed
in the capture of that city.

Not only did the Confederate troops retire on the ap
proach of the Union troops, but a large number of fam
ilies and single citizens left at the same time. Indeed,
for several days previous to the coming of the Union
troops, it was well known in Alexandria that they were
coming, and many of its citizens, some of whom owned
farms in other parts of Virginia, some plantations in other
parts of the South, and others who had friends and rela
tives in other parts of the State, or in other parts of the

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED. l6l

South, had all quietly left for their respective farm-homes,
plantations, or friends. Some who could not leave thus
suddenly went as soon as they could thereafter, so that,
before a Union line had been fully established beyond
Alexandria, probably two-thirds of its citizens had left,
leaving only about ten thousand out of a previous popu
lation of about thirty thousand.

Immediately thereafter, however, the Union forces com
menced to establish camps at points beyond, yet not far
from, Alexandria. Near the Seminary buildings, only a
few miles from the city, a considerable number of troops
were encamped; while, at Malvern Hills, at Edsall's farm,
at or near Fall's Church, and at many other points, regi
ments, brigades, or whole divisions were located. As
a consequence of this, notwithstanding Alexandria had
been so largely abandoned by its own citizens, its streets
were more thronged with citizens and soldiers combined,
its drinking saloons were more frequented, and there was
more of bustle and confusion generally in the city during
the summer, fall, and winter of 1861 than there had ever
been in any past period of its history.

With the hasty leaving of the leading citizens of Alex
andria had gone whatever it had possessed of municipal,
county, or State government. The mayor and members
of the city council had fled; all the State and county
judges had fled; the county clerk, the surrogate, and
every other county officer had fled; nor was there a
single justice of the peace, a single constable, or a single
police-officer — or, at least, not one who declared himself
as such — left in the city. There was no formal announce
ment of the establishing of martial law within the city
limits, but its possession by Union troops made it vir
tually so from the moment they took possession.

The battle of Bull Run occurred on the 2 1st of July,
1 86 1, and although Alexandria had been bad enough

14* L

l62 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

before that time, it was still worse after. For some time
after that battle the Union army seemed utterly demoral
ized. The commanders of regiments, brigades, and di
visions seemed for the moment to have lost all control
over their men. Officers and men, instead of remaining
in camp to drill, flocked into Washington and into Alex
andria by scores, yea, by hundreds, every day. Hotels,
drinking saloons, restaurants, houses of ill-fame were all
doing a rushing business, and meanwhile the legitimate
duties of the officer and the soldier were almost wholly
neglected. General McClellan reached Washington, and
assumed command of the Army of the Potomac, on the
26th of July, 1 86 1, and on the 3Oth issued an order in
which he said, "The general commanding the division
has with much regret observed that large numbers of
officers and men stationed in the vicinity of Washington
(his command included Alexandria and beyond as well)
are in the habit of frequenting the streets and hotels of
the city. This practice is eminently prejudicial to good
order and discipline, and must at once be discontinued."
This order had a salutary effect to a certain extent, but
it by no means cured the evil. It made officers and men
more careful to procure leaves of absence and passes
before leaving their camps ; for, if found in Washington
or Alexandria without such leave or pass, they were
liable to be called upon by the provost-marshal, or ar
rested by the provost-guard ; but, after the first week or
two, in the lessening of numbers the effect of the order
was hardly perceptible. The hotels, drinking saloons,
restaurants, and houses of ill-fame still continued to do
a thriving business ; while fights in saloons, brawls in the
streets, insults to persons walking the streets, thefts, rob
beries, and the like misdemeanors, were of almost daily
and nightly occurrence.
~ Such was the condition of things in Alexandria, when,

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED. 163

in August, 1 86 1, General William R. Montgomery, who
had been the Colonel of the First New Jersey regiment
of volunteers, but had recently been promoted to a brig
adier-generalship, was detached from his command, then
encamped near the Seminary buildings, and assigned to
the command (as Military Governor) of Alexandria. He
had for his Assistant Adjutant-General, Jacob R. Freese,
of Trenton, N. J., who had been an active business-man
all his life (he was then about thirty-five years of age),
and who for the four years immediately preceding the
war had been the editor and proprietor of the State
Gazette, one of the leading newspapers of the State.
General Montgomery was then about sixty years of age,
a graduate of West Point, had been connected with the
regular army nearly all his life — a perfect gentleman in
his manners, mild, quiet, unobtrusive, exceedingly kind
and gentle ; but knew comparatively nothing of business
life, and had hardly been in a police-office or a court
room during his whole life. Though no officer in the
army was truer to the Union cause than he, yet so ex
ceedingly kind was he in his general disposition, so
disliked to refuse any favor asked of him, and so averse
was he to punishment of any kind, that he soon found
his new situation a very perplexing one. Hardly had he
assumed command, before such of the secessionists as
remained in Alexandria commenced to ask favors at his
hands. In all cases, where he possibly could, it gave him
as much or more pleasure to grant their requests than
for them to receive the favors. This soon became known
to extreme Unionists, who thereupon called the General
"a rebel in disguise." When this came to the General's
ears, it distressed him greatly. It also distressed him as
much, or more, to learn that some Alexandrians who
remained were practising great cruelty towards some white
citizens, and especially towards their slaves, because they

164 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

had dared to express Union sentiments. And still
another source of great annoyance to him was, that great
numbers of soldiers came into the city every day — some
got drunk, abused citizens, created brawls in the streets,
and then left without so much as saying " by your leave,
sir." Other disputes and disturbances were occurring,
almost daily, among the citizens, which, when all other
means failed, would be referred to him for settlement,
since, as heretofore stated, there were no courts left in the
city to whom such disputes could be referred. To or
ganize a court-martial and keep it in session all the while
would take a number of officers from their regular duties,
and seemed utterly impracticable. To undertake to
arbitrate and decide all cases himself, seemed not less
impracticable, if not impossible ; and as to prescribing
punishment to others, he would almost prefer to take it
upon himself.

Every day he talked these troublesome matters over
with his Assistant Adjutant-General, and finally requested
him to draw up, and submit to him, in writing, a plan for
governing the city. This he did on the day following the
request. The leading feature of the plan submitted was
to organize a provost-court, over which some officer
should preside as provost-judge, who should hear and
adjudicate all cases of whatsoever kind brought before
him. To arrest delinquents and enforce the orders of
the provost-court, the plan proposed that the soldiers,
detailed for sentinel duty in the city, should be organized
into a provost-guard, with a provost-marshal at their
head; that both the marshal and guard should be subject
to the direct orders of the provost-judge ; and that the
provost-judge should submit his doings, every day, to the
military governor for his approval, amendment, or rever
sal, since he alone was responsible to the general govern
ment for what was done within his command. General

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED. 165

Montgomery considered the plan carefully and decided
to adopt it. He then asked his Adjutant to accept the
appointment of provost-judge, and perform its duties, in
addition to such as he had as Assistant Adjutant-General
of the post. At first the Adjutant declined, not seeing
how it was possible for him to perform both duties, since
either one of them seemed quite as much as any one man
could perform. The General urged that, as he would
be held officially responsible for whatever the provost-
judge might do, he must have some one in whom he had
implicit confidence, some one whom he could see and
converse with at every meal-time, some one who was
familiar with the workings of courts of justice, and since
he, the Adjutant, had drawn up the plan, there was no one
whom he could detail that could put the plan in operation
so well as he. The Adjutant, on the other hand, urged
that his duties were already quite as much as he could
perform satisfactorily to himself; that almost every day
he had quartermaster, commissary, and hospital reports
to examine and sign ; passes and permits to consider and
issue, etc. ; all of which involved the writing, *' By order
of Brigadier-General Montgomery, J. R. Freese, A. A. G.,"
from one hundred to five hundred times each day, which
usually occupied every minute of his time. It was finally
arranged that the General should detail two additional
clerks for the Adjutant's office, and one to write up the
records of the court at every sitting, and thereupon the
Adjutant consented to enter upon the additional duty of
provost-judge of the city. The General issued the nec
essary order, over his own signature, and on the day fol
lowing the Adjutant entered upon his new duties.

The court-house had not been used for any purpose
since the evacuation of the city by the Confederates. Men
were now put to work in cleaning and fitting it up for the
purposes of the new provost-court. A large building on

l66 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the outskirts of the city, which had been used for the
temporary detention of slaves, and therefore called a
" slave-pen," was cleaned and fitted up as a guard-house.
The old jail was cleaned, whitewashed, and renovated
generally. A large, empty building, in the heart of the
city, was fitted up for the provost-marshal's office, and as
quarters for the guards. Captain Griffiths, of Pennsylva
nia, the senior captain of the companies then on duty as
sentinels, was appointed provost-marshal, and the two
companies then on duty organized as a provost-guard.
The duty assigned them was to arrest every drunken
man — officer, private, or citizen — whom they observed to
be disturbing the peace of the city, whether at hotels,
drinking saloons, on the streets, or elsewhere; to take
them, so soon as arrested, to the officer in charge at the
guard-house and report all the facts to him; if the officer
at the guard -house deemed the complaint to be of such
seriousness as to require a further hearing, the arrested
party was to be locked up until the next sitting of the
provost-court, when he was to be brought before that
court for trial. This was to be the procedure not only in
cases of drunkenness, but in all other cases of petty mis
demeanor. If, however, the offence was of a more serious
character, the party arrested was to be taken at once
before the provost-marshal, and all the facts immediately
after reported to the provost-judge. If he deemed the
charges sufficiently strong to hold the arrested party, he
was then to be sent to the county jail and there held until
next day, or until the court was ready to try the case,
which usually was on the day following the arrest. It
was arranged that a session of the provost-court should
be held every day (Sundays excepted) at the court-house,
commencing at ten o'clock, and continue until all the
cases were disposed of. Usually this could be done be-

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED.

tween ten and twelve o'clock ; but occasionally the ses^
sions extended until late in the afternoon.

After all needed arrangements had been completed, the
Judge's horse — saddled, bridled, and with a pair of loaded
revolvers in the holsters — might be seen every morning,
at precisely nine and a half o'clock, standing before the
General's headquarters. At precisely a quarter to ten,
Judge Freese would come out of the Adjutant's office
in full uniform, mount his horse, and, usually on a
full gallop, ride to the court-house, about a quarter of a
mile distant from the headquarters. On reaching the
court-house the Judge dismounted, a soldier took charge
of his horse, and he passed in to take his seat on the
bench. Generally, the guards, and the prisoners from
the guard-house, were already in waiting — every guard
standing at attention, with loaded musket and fixed bay
onet. It was from this fact that it was sometimes desig
nated, by New York journals and others, as "Judge
Freese's Bayonet Court." The clerk, acting as " crier,"
then announced that the " court was now open for busi
ness," and immediately after handed the Judge a list con
taining the names of all the prisoners at the bar, with the
nature of the offence charged against each. The Judge,
beginning with No. I, would call for the evidence of the
sentinel making the arrest, and then for the evidence of
others who might know anything of the case. When
the evidence for the prosecution had closed, the accused
was asked to say anything he could in his own defence, and
to produce any witnesses he might have. It was plainly
to be seen that the Judge always leaned towards mercy ;
that he encouraged and aided the prisoner in the making
of a defence, if any were possible ; that never, at any time,
did he speak harshly to a prisoner at the bar ; but even
in his sentences so tempered his words with kindness
and good advice as to make the accused determine to do

168 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

better in the future. At no session of the court, nor at
any time after, was a prisoner ever known to complain of
his treatment by the Judge, such was his uniform kind
ness and courtesy towards all who were brought before
him, whether citizens or soldiers, white or black. When
all the evidence was in on both sides, the Judge an
nounced the sentence and the clerk recorded it. The
book in which the record was kept was open to the in
spection and revision of the General commanding (mili
tary governor) every day, so that he might, if he chose,
at once change or reverse any sentence which the Judge
had passed upon any prisoner. The number of cases tried
each day varied from ten to thirty. Most of them were
of a minor character, and the punishment, consequently,
very light. Often the one day or one night's deten
tion in the guard-house, which they had already received,
was deemed sufficient ; in other more serious cases, a fine
of from one to five dollars, or further confinement in the
guard-house or in the jail from one to five days, was im
posed ; but now and then a case of far graver character
was brought before the court, one of which we will now
relate.

Mr. A. was an old resident of Alexandria, and for
many years had been engaged in business as a hardware
merchant. He was a Virginian by birth ; a man of gen
eral good character, a hearty secessionist, and would have
gone when the others left, only that his family and his
business were in such condition that the one could not
be removed, nor could the other be closed without very
great discomfort and a large sacrifice. He therefore con
cluded to take his chances of remaining, and did remain.

Mr. B. had been a resident of Alexandria for several
years. Had been one of the builders, and was then super
intendent, of the gas-works of that city. He was a New
Englander by birth, and an earnest Unionist from the day

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED. 169

the contest opened between the North and the South.
Though a very quiet man, and never speaking upon
political or warlike matters, except when in situations
where he must speak or show cowardice, yet when thus
compelled to speak he never failed to express his honest
sentiments.

Messrs. A. and B. had been warm personal friends for
several years, the latter purchasing all the hardware
needed for the gas-works of the former, and being in his
store frequently, as well for pastime as on business. Un
til the war commenced there had never been a word of
difference between them, and since it commenced they
had rarely spoken upon the subject, for each well knew
the other's sentiments, and neither desired a rupture of
friendly relations. On the day in which a rupture did
occur, Mr. B. went to Mr. A.'s store to make a purchase
of some article, when in some way the conversation be
tween them turned upon the war. For some cause Mr.
A. seemed to be in a specially bad-humor that day, and
very soon commenced to use most violent language
toward the " Yankees " and the Union troops. Mr. B.
replied, at first very mildly, but one word led to another,
until erelong both became angry and talked loud. All
of a sudden Mr. A., who was a large, powerful man, seized
Mr. B., who was a much smaller, weaker man, by the
throat, and hurled him to the floor. Then, seizing a large
butcher-knife which chanced to lay upon the counter, he
held it threateningly over B.'s breast, and said he would
kill him instantly unless he would promise not to report
the conversation they had had and the difficulty following
it to Provost-Judge Freese. Of course, such noise and
confusion brought others into the store, and before the
promise could be exacted others had seized and dragged
Mr. A. from off his prostrate antagonist. Mr. B. went
from the store direct to military headquarters and re-
15

SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ported all that had occurred to Judge Freese. A formal
statement, as detailed by Mr. B., was then drawn up by
the Judge and subscribed and sworn to by Mr. B. It
was then afternoon, and too late to try the case that day.
The Judge, therefore, issued an order to the Provost-Mar
shal to arrest Mr. A. at once, lock him up in the county
jail, and bring him before the court next morning at ten
o'clock — all of which was done precisely as ordered. The
arrest of so prominent a man as A. spread throughout the
city at once. Before sundown there was scarcely a man or
a woman in the whole city who did not know of it, and
General Montgomery was besieged by Mr. A.'s wife, by
his daughters, and by several of his secession friends to
order his release at once. The General, having learned
the facts from his Adjutant, only replied that " things must
take their course ; that the trial, and that only, could de
velop whether Mr. A. was guilty or not, and, if he was, he
could not and would not interfere with the Judge in the
infliction of a proper punishment, however much he re
gretted the difficulty and sympathized with those who
were afflicted by it."

The next day the court-room was crowded in every
part, and promptly at ten o'clock the crier announced the
court open for business. After all the other cases had
been disposed of, that of Mr. A. was called. The wit
nesses, both for the prosecution and for the defence, were
examined carefully and patiently by the Judge and by the
defendant. Then the defendant was invited to say what
ever he could in his own defence. The defendant had a
lawyer present to suggest and prompt him, but the law
yer would not appear as his formal attorney, for the reason
that some time before the Judge had announced that, as
that was a United States court, no lawyer could appear in
it, as attorney for another, unless he would take, if asked,
the oath of allegiance to the United States Government,

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED. 1^1

and the lawyer present being an avowed secessionist, he
well knew that if he attempted to act as an attorney for
his friend A., he would at once be tendered the oath of
allegiance to take or refuse. He therefore contented him
self with whispering in his friend's ear, without presum
ing to appear as his attorney. The facts, as heretofore
stated, were all proved beyond any possible doubt. In
deed, the defendant himself scarcely made a denial of any
one of the statements made by Mr. B. He only pleaded,
in extenuation, that he had no ill-will towards Mr. B., and
that whatever was said or done was from an excess of
passion for the moment, which he could not control ; that
he greatly regretted all that had happened, and would
promise the court that the like should never happen
again. He also produced several witnesses to prove his
previous good character.

Before pronouncing sentence, the Judge took occasion
to say that the court had been organized for the special
purpose of maintaining the peace of the city. That, in
the absence of all other courts, this was the only judicial
power to which citizens of Alexandria could look for the
protection of their lives and their property, and in this
respect it was as much of a protection to the avowed
secessionist as to the Unionist; that the lives and the
property of the one or of the other were equally under
the protection of the court. While, he added, the court
could not, and would not, recognize secession as a legal
right, and while no secessionist, as such, could have any
legal standing in that court, professionally or otherwise,
yet the court would, at all times and under all circum
stances, use whatever power it possessed to protect the
lives and property of avowed secessionists. If, then, it
was thus ready to protect secessionists in their personal
and property rights, certainly it should not be less willing
to protect Unionists. Nor would it be less ready to pro-

1/2 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

tect Union men so long as he remained the Judge of the
court. In conclusion, the Judge said that, in considera
tion of Mr. A.'s previous good character, in the absence
of all premeditation, and in consideration of other ex
tenuating circumstances surrounding the case, he would
make the sentence of this defendant very light, but gave
fair warning, then and there, to all the residents of Alex
andria, and to such as came within the jurisdiction of the
court, though not residents of the city, that should there
be any further assaults upon Union men, whether by
word or by act, the court would punish the offender with
much greater severity. He then sentenced Mr. A. to
pay a fine of five hundred dollars, and to stand committed
to the county jail until the fine was paid. " Of course,"
the Judge added, " this does not relieve Mr. A. from the
payment of damages to Mr. B. for any injuries he may
have sustained at the hands of A., and for which he may
choose to prosecute in an action for damages." The
court then adjourned, and Mr. A. was ordered back to
the county jail until the fine was paid.

Mr. A. and his friends were very indignant at the sen
tence ; said it should never be paid ; that he would rot
in the jail first ; that they would appeal to General Mc-
Clellan, to the President, to the Cabinet, to Congress ;
but to all such threats the Judge only replied, when they
came to his ears, " He shall have all the opportunities he
wants for appeal, but until the fine is paid, or the judg
ment set aside by a higher authority, he must remain in
jail." That afternoon and evening every possible effort
was made with General Montgomery and with Judge
Freese to have him released on bail, but without avail.
Next day, when the court opened, a friend of Mr. A. was
present with five hundred dollars in silver, which he paid
down, and thereupon received an order from the Judge
for Mr. A.'s release from jail. That money, as all other

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED. 1/3

received by the court for fines, and not used for feeding
the prisoners and other incidental court expenses, was
deposited with the United States Treasurer, at Washing
ton, to await such further action as might be had in this
or in any other case.

In pursuance of their threats, Mr. A. and his friends at
once went to work to have the fine refunded, and finally,
after several months' effort, succeeded in getting General
McClellan to issue an order on General Montgomery for
the refunding of the money. This was done by an order
on the United States Treasurer for the five hundred
dollars.

Mr. A. got his money back, but neither he nor any
other secessionist of Alexandria ever again made an
assault, with threat to kill, upon a Union man ; nor did
any Union man make a like assault or threat upon a
secessionist. And, better still, it had the effect to con
vince every secessionist that Judge Freese's court was
no respecter of persons ; that while it punished such of
the poor as violated the law, it was no less ready to
punish the rich ; and that a Union man in Alexandria
would be protected by the court with as much vigilance
as one could possibly be in New York or Philadelphia.
The refunding of the fine, however, proved that General
McClellan and his advisers, while pretending great love
for the Union, were largely in sympathy with the seces
sionists, and would, so far as they could, undo anything
the Provost-Court might do in punishing rebels and pro
tecting loyal men. General Montgomery and Judge
Freese, being convinced that such would thenceforth be
the policy of General McClellan and his advisers, tried
thereafter to so shape the proceedings of the court that
General McClellan should know as little about it, and
have as little to do with it, as possible — believing (as
afterwards proved true) that he would not only thwart iti
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SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

proceedings, but really abolish the court altogether, when
ever he could see that he could do so without calling
down upon himself and political associates condemnation
from the administration.

Thus has been stated the how and why of the organ
ization of the Provost-Court at Alexandria ; some of the
details of its workings, so far as appertained to its mu
nicipal or police duties ; its happy effect upon the com
parative quiet of the city ; and its restraining power on
the belligerent disposition of some of its citizens. What
other powers the court was called upon to exercise,
and how it exercised them, will be reserved for future
chapters.

176

CHAPTER XII.

JUDGE FREEZES "BAYONET COURT."
OTHER POWERS, AND HOW EXERCISED.

HARDLY had the Provost-Court at Alexandria been
organized before reporters for Northern journals
began to call upon the General and upon the Judge for
details of its doings, and soon thereafter reports, to a
slight extent, of its operations began to appear in some
journals under the caption of Judge Freese's " Bayonet
Court" — the same as placed at the head of this chapter.
One illustrated paper of New York city had a full-page
cut, representing the Judge upon the bench in military
uniform, with his clerk sitting at his right, and his sword
laying upon the desk at his left, with guards standing at
attention, each with musket and fixed bayonet; with a
score or more of prisoners in the dock, all with woe
begone faces ; with the Provost-Marshal, in full uniform,
standing in front of the Judge, awaiting his orders; with
lookers-on all about; and with all the other paraphernalia
of a crowded city court- room.

It was not for show, by any means, that the Judge rode
to the court in uniform, with loaded revolvers in his
holsters ; nor was it for show that he sat upon the bench
in uniform, and had guards about him with loaded mus
kets and fixed bayonets. Almost from the day that the court
commenced its sittings, the secessionists who remained
in Alexandria began to sneer at the court, and some even
went so far as to threaten the Judge with assassination.

M 177

1/8 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

These facts were communicated to the Judge by friends,
and through secret detectives, whom the Provost-Marshal
had employed to watch every movement in the city. It
was, therefore, literally true that the Judge " carried his
life in his hand " every moment, and was liable to assault
and attempted assassination every time he rode to the
court-room, every time he took his seat upon the bench,
every time he walked the streets. But a still greater
reason for this display of power, and of constant readi
ness to meet every emergency, was, that the inhabitants
of the city might be impressed with the power of the
court, and the source from which it derived that power —
namely, the military. Without such impression of power
among the citizens, the orders of the court would not
have been respected and obeyed, and twice, if not four
times, the number of guards would have been needed to
enforce its orders and maintain quiet in the city. To
relate a few of the cases which came before the court,
under this particular head, will better illustrate the facts
above stated than any amount of theorizing.

One day, the General informed the Judge that, as he
was passing along King Street, two females, dressed as
ladies, overtook and passed him, and, as they passed, they
gathered up their skirts and held them from him, and
made other signs of derision and contempt, as though
he, the General, was the vilest of all vile creatures. After
they had passed, he inquired of a citizen and learned that
they were the wives of two noted secessionists, who still
remained in the city.

About the same time several officers, and quite a num
ber of the guards, told the Judge that, while the men of
the city treated them with entire respect, the women and
the children of secession citizens insulted them almost
daily — the women by various acts of contempt, and the
children by calling them vile names and throwing stones

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 179

at them. They had borne, they said, these things a long
time without seeming to notice them, and without com
plaint; but the longer and more they forbore, the oftener
and viler became the insults, and they could stand it no
longer without making complaint to the court.

The Judge thereupon announced in open court, that
from thenceforth any woman, or any child, who offered an
insult, or threw a stone or other missile at any officer or
soldier upon the public .streets, should be promptly ar
rested and inquired of as to who was their husband,
father, brother, or other near male relative. That, if the
guard making the arrest was not entirely satisfied as to
the truthfulness of the answers made, the woman or child
should be at once brought to the office of the Provost-
Marshal or of the Judge, for such further questioning and
disposition as either might deem proper in the case. That,
upon ascertaining, without doubt, the name and where
abouts of the husband, father, or brother, the woman or
child should be dismissed, and the husband, father, or
brother of the one offending should be immediately ar
rested, locked up in jail until next day, and then brought
before the court for trial and sentence. Or, if the woman
arrested proved to be a courtesan, or, if the child had no
father or adult brother who could answer for him or her,
then the woman herself, or the child, should be locked
up in jail until the next day, and then brought before the
court for trial and sentence.

Within twenty-four hours after this order was promul
gated from the bench, it was known to every man, woman,
and half-grown child of the city. Of course, there were
deep mutterings, some cursing, and not a few threats,
especially against Judge Freese, but the effect was won
derful and immediate. So wholesome a dread did it
produce on the minds of those who had been offering
such insults, daily, and almost every hour of the day, that

l8O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

there was only one instance in which the order had to be
executed. That was the case of a child, who called vile
names and threw stones at one of the guards, while at
his post. The child was promptly arrested, the name of
hiss father ascertained, the child dismissed, and the father
at once arrested and locked up until next day. When
brought before the court, the father proved one of the
most pronounced secessionists of the city, and, instead of
apologizing for the rude acts of his son, rather approved
of what he had done. The Judge tried to reason with
him as to the impropriety of such conduct towards any
one, and especially towards a guard, whose duty and busi
ness it was to protect the lives and property of seces
sionists no less than of Unionists. But the longer the
Judge reasoned, the more obstinate the defendant became,
until finally the Judge said he would have to make a
slight example in his case, and thereupon sentenced him
to ten days in the county jail — promising that the next
person arrested for a like offence should receive a sentence
doubly, if not quadruply, as great. The news of the
arrest and sentence was speedily known in every house
of the city, and from thenceforth no other arrest was
necessary for a like offence. The recognized power of
the court had done the work, with but one arrest and
punishment as an example. But for this recognized power,
at least a hundred arrests would have been needed before
the evil could have been abated.

Another instance of the recognition of the power of
the court was as follows : One of the Episcopal ministers
of the city was known to be in the habit of omitting the
prayer for the President of the United States, found in
the morning service of the Episcopal prayer-book. The
fact was told to the Provost-Judge, and he was asked by
some over-zealous Unionists to send a note to the minister,
requiring him to use the prayer, or be subject to arrest in

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." iSi

case he refused. The Judge declined to do any such thing
— telling his informants, that whether the minister used
that prayer or not was purely a matter of conscience, and
that it was no part of his business, or the business of his
court, to interfere in matters of conscience ; that he fully
agreed with Roger Williams in the opinion, that the civil
or military authorities of a town, city, or state, " have no
more right to command over the souls and consciences of
their subjects than the master of a ship has over those of
his passengers or the sailors under him, although he may
justly see to the labor of the one, and the civil behavior
of all in the ship;" that so long as the Episcopal minis
ter, and those who attended his church, deported them
selves as quiet citizens, attending to their own affairs and
not interfering with the affairs of others, no matter what
might be their sentiments on religious or political affairs,
they were entitled to protection in their persons and
property, and should have it.

Those who reported the minister and desired his arrest
were not at all pleased with Judge Freese's reply, and
tried hard to get up some feeling against him among the
Union men of the city; but utterly failed in the attempt.
The Judge's Union sentiments were too well known, and
had been too often tested, to allow any one who knew
him to doubt him for a moment. Failing to make any
impression against the Judge among the Union men of
the city, these over-zealous busybodies next tried their
hands among the officers of troops which lay about the
city. It chanced, just at that time, that a regiment of
Illinois cavalry was encamped on the outskirts of the
city, whose officers were known to be among the most
violent abolitionists of the country ; men who believed,
or pretended to believe, that no man who lived in a slave
State had any rights which a Union man was bound to
respect — not even the right of conscience. To these
16

182 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

officers these busybodies told the story about the Epis
copal minister omitting the prayer for the President in
the morning service of the prayer-book ; and also of
their having told the whole thing to Judge Freese, and
of his refusing to issue an order to the minister to use
the prayer or be subject to arrest.

One of their listeners, the Lieutenant-Colonel of the
regiment, became so interested in their story as to vol
unteer at once to bring the recusant minister to speedy
justice ; nor did he care " a snap of his finger for Judge
Freese, or for any other judge." Several other officers
of the regiment volunteered to join him, and the plan
agreed upon was that, on the following Sabbath, they
would all attend the Episcopal service, and when the
Rev. Doctor came to the part where the prayer for the
President occurs, in the " morning service," if he failed
to read it, the Lieutenant-Colonel would arise in his seat
and demand tnat it be read, and if the minister refused,
then to arrest him, and take him to the general head
quarters. According to appointment, the Lieutenant-
Colonel and his friends were at the church on the follow
ing Sabbath morning. The congregation was not large,
but those present seemed to be unusually devout. The
sexton had given the Lieutenant-Colonel and his friends
seats in about the centre of the church. The service was
opened in the usual form. The " general confession " had
been repeated, all kneeling ; the " declaration of absolu
tion " had been pronounced ; the Lord's prayer said in a
clear but subdued voice; the "Venite Exultemus Domino"
had been sung by the choir; the portion of the Psalms
appointed for the day read ; the " Te Deum Laudamus "
sung; the lesson from the New Testament, according to
the calendar, read; the Apostles' Creed repeated; and
the prayers were being read, when, all of a sudden, a
stentorian voice was heard, saying, " I demand, sir, that

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 183

you read the prayer for the President of the United
States." Had a cannon-ball burst through the walls of
the church and fallen upon the floor just at that instant,
greater surprise would not have been created. For a
moment the minister stopped in his prayers. Part of
the congregation arose from their knees to their feet and
looked wildly around. Some of the more nervous of
the ladies burst into tears. Confusion worse confounded
seemed to pervade the whole congregation. So soon as
the minister recovered self-possession, he commenced to
read the prayer " for the clergy and people," when again
a voice, louder than before, sounded throughout the church,
saying, " I demand, sir, that you read the prayer for the
President of the United States." Again the minister
stopped, and again confusion prevailed for some moments.
When quiet again prevailed, the minister, without having
made any answer whatever to the two former requests,
commenced to read the prayer for "all conditions of
men," when again the demand to read the prayer for the
President was repeated in a still louder and more threat
ening tone. The minister then arose from his knees, and,
looking towards the Lieutenant-Colonel, said, " My con
science will not allow me, at this time, to read that prayer,
and the congregation who statedly worship in this church
have requested that I should not read it while the war
between the North and the South continues."

" Then, sir, you shall read no others while the war con
tinues, and I now arrest you on the charge of treason,"
said the Lieutenant-Colonel.

This, of course, still further increased the astonishment
and confusion of the congregation. For a few moments
every one seemed utterly dumbfounded. Meanwhile the
Lieutenant-Colonel and his party left their seats, advanced
near the altar, and told the minister he must accompany
them to the general headquarters. The minister asked

184 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

whether he might not first go to the vestry-room to lay
aside his surplice and gown. The Lieutenant-Colonel an
swered, " No ; come as you are." He then came out
from the chancel, joined his arresters, and, in full canon
icals, without hat or cap, marched with them through the
streets, several squares, to the general headquarters.

All this had been done without any knowledge what
ever on the part of General Montgomery or Judge Freese,
nor could any two have been more astonished than they
were on seeing the minister and hearing the story of his
arrest. The General was annoyed beyond measure, and,
for a time, hardly knew what to say or to do. The Judge
was decidedly more self-possessed, but, of course, said
nothing. The General, turning to the Judge, asked him
if he had heard anything of the case before. The Judge
then told the General all that he had known, and all that
he had said about it, as has been heretofore detailed. As
he, the Judge, had done nothing, and had refused to do any
thing, concerning it, of course he had made no report of
it to the General, since there was nothing to report. The
General, .turning to the Lieutenant-Colonel and his party,
said that he entirely agreed in sentiment with his Assist
ant Adjutant-General ; that there was no reason, not the
slightest, for the arrest of this minister; that every officer
engaged in the arrest had made himself liable to be put
in arrest, and tried by court-martial, for doing that which
he had no right to do as a military man ; and that the
minister, upon complaint to the Provost-Judge, might have
everyone of them arrested and tried by the Provost-Court
for assault and for a disturbance of public services. In
conclusion, the General discharged the minister from ar
rest and told him that he might go to his own home,
when, turning to the cavalry officers, he said, " The sooner
you can get back to your own quarters, and the closer you
remain there hereafter, the better will it be for you."

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 185

As might have been expected, all this created a great
amount of excitement on the streets and about the head
quarters. The minister in his white robes, in charge of
several officers in full uniform, and with the entire con
gregation following after, was such a sight as had never
been seen in Alexandria before. Everybody — men,
women, and children — who saw it, followed after, until,
when the headquarters were reached, there were several
hundred persons present. When the General's decision
in the case became known to the crowd, there was a
general approval, as much among Unionists as among
secessionists; but to this there were some exceptions.
The officers and their informers, who had been balked in
their mad purposes, felt chagrined and angry, and left the
headquarters with scowling faces, as though still bent on
mischief. The General and the Judge went to their pri
vate quarters, in a building across the street, nearly oppo
site to the general headquarters. They supposed the
trouble ended, and that they should hear nothing more
of it.

In about an hour thereafter, when the General and the
Judge had just risen from their mess-table, an orderly
came rushing into their quarters, to say that a large
crowd of cavalry officers, soldiers, and citizens were
gathered about the Episcopal church, on E Street (the
one in which the minister had been arrested), and that
they were threatening to burn it. The General at once
buckled on his sword, and told his Adjutant to do the
same. Both put their revolvers in their belts. The Judge
then told the orderly to hasten to the Provost-Marshal's
office, and tell him to come himself, and bring as many
officers and men with him as possible to the Episcopal
church on E Street, and there await further orders from
the General or himself. The General and the Judge then
went to the church in all possible haste, and found, as
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186 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

had been told them, several hundred soldiers and citizens
gathered about it. In a little while after, the Provost-
Marshal, with a considerable number of his guard, ap
peared on the ground. "Burn it! burn it! burn it!"
with intermingling oaths, could be heard every now and
then from the mouths of half-crazed cavalry soldiers.
The General and the Judge worked their way through
the crowd, and took their stations directly in front of the
church. The Provost-Marshal and his guard also worked
their way through the crowd to the same place. The
General then told the Judge to command the peace, in as
loud a voice as he could. The Judge did so, and then
added, " If any one attempts to set fire to this church, he
will be shot down at once — and all persons, whether
soldiers or citizens, who are found within five hundred
yards of this church building after thirty minutes shall
have expired, will be arrested by the provost-guard, put
in jail until to-morrow, and then brought before the
Provost-Court for disturbing the peace and violating the
sanctity of the Sabbath." Scarcely had the Judge fin
ished his proclamation, before the crowd commenced to
move off, and before the thirty minutes had expired not
a soldier or citizen could be seen on the street, save the
General and his party. Guards were then stationed at
every approach to the church, with orders that they should
be regularly relieved and the stations maintained until
otherwise ordered.

There was no other attempt to set fire to that church,
nor to any other in Alexandria, after that, so long as
"Judge Freese's bayonet court" continued to have an
existence — nor could there have been a more signal in
stance to exemplify the acknowledged power of the court
than the one just related. The cavalry regiment spoken
of numbered over one thousand officers and men, nearly
every one of whom held sentiments much the same, if

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 187

not precisely the same, as the Lieutenant-Colonel. Within
a circle of a few miles were dozens of other regiments,
nearly all of whom held similar sentiments. Had that
one church been burned on that day, probably every other
church and two-thirds of all the buildings in the city
would have been burned during the following thirty
days. To prevent that church from being burned, there
were present not more than fifty officers and men, as
against at least one thousand of an opposite sentiment.
In physical power the one was as nothing to the other;
but, after the Judge had finished his announcement, there
was not one of the thousand who stopped for a moment
to question the power of which the Judge was the repre
sentative. Had a like power existed, and had a like
power been exercised in other cities of the South occu
pied by Union troops, how many millions upon millions
of dollars' worth of property might have been saved from
the flames !

We will give only one other instance under this head,
though, if time and space permitted, it would be easy to
give scores.

Mr. D. lived upon one of the most fashionable streets
of Alexandria, and his family had long been regarded
as among the F. F. V.'s of the State. He owned lands in
other parts of Virginia on which he had a large number
of slaves, and always kept a few at his Alexandria resi
dence to4 wait upon his family. For some cause Mr. D.
did not leave Alexandria when other secessionists left,
though he took the precaution to send all his slaves away
except two, both females — mother and daughter — the one
about forty, the other about twenty years of age.

Mr. H. lived next door to Mr. D., and though a North
ern man by birth, had long been a resident and merchant
of Alexandria. He had always been conscientiously op
posed to owning slaves, though he had hired them of

l88 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

others as family servants ever since his residence in the
city. The families of Messrs. D. and H. had long been
on the most friendly terms, and continued so, notwith
standing the war, up to the very day on which the inci
dent occurred which we are now about to relate.

For some weeks previous to this day, Mrs. H. had
occasionally heard terrible, unearthly screams next door,
and had wondered again and again what on earth it could
mean. She had mentioned the fact to her husband, and
he had suggested that it was probably the cry of servants
being punished; but being upon the most friendly terms,
as before stated, with their neighbors, they could not, and
did not, say a word about it to others. Thus matters
went on until the day in question. Again Mrs. H.
heard the same fearful, heart-rending cries, and they con
tinued on and on until her very heart grew sick and faint.
Just then she heard some one calling her name loudly
from the back yard of the next building, and, stepping
to the window, saw the elder of Mrs. D.'s two servants
wringing her hands and crying out:

" Oh, come, Mrs. H., come quickly ! come quickly !
They are killing my child ! they are killing my child ! "

Tears were pouring in a stream from the poor mother's
eyes, and it seemed as though her very heart would break
from anguish. Mrs. H. could stand it no longer, and
stepping out on her own back porch, which adjoined that
of Mrs. D.'s, called out for Mrs. D., and when she ap
peared, asked her what was the cause of such awful
screaming.

" Oh, nothing, nothing," answered Mrs. D. " It 's only
Jane, whom Mr. D. is punishing for looking out of the
windows at the soldiers as they pass. I have told her
again and again that she should not do it, and yet she
will persist in it."

" But," said Mrs. H., " was that all ? Surely a young

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 189

girl like her could hardly do otherwise than look out of
the windows when she heard music and saw soldiers
passing? Did she do nothing else, Mrs. D.?"

" No, nothing else," answered Mrs. D. ; "but Mr. D.
says if she and her mother are allowed to look out of the
windows at the soldiers, they will soon be wanting to run
away, and therefore we must not allow them to look
out"

"They don't neglect their work, do they, Mrs. D.?"
asked Mrs. H.

" Oh, no," answered Mrs. D. " They are both most
excellent servants, and never neglect their work ; but hav
ing these Yankee soldiers in the city will, we fear, make
them want to run away, and it is only to prevent them
from getting any such foolish notion in their heads that
we have forbid them to look out at the windows."

" Have you had to punish them often for disobeying
the order ? " asked Mrs. H.

"Oh, no, not often," answered Mrs. D. " This is only
\hzfifth time, I think, that Mr. D. has had to whip Jane
since the Yankee soldiers came into the city, and her
mother has only needed three punishments for the same
offence. Take them all in all, there are, I think, few
better servants in Alexandria than Jane and Mary."

This ended the conversation between the two ladies at
that time, and Mrs. H. returned to her own parlors a
sadder, if not a wiser, woman. Within a half hour Mrs.
H. heard still louder and more piercing cries, and the
voice this time was plainly that of Jane's mother. Step
ping to and opening one of her back parlor-windows, she
could distinctly hear the conversation between Mr. D.
and Mary, which seemed to come from the garret of the
house, the back dormer-windows of which chanced to be
open.

" Oh, don't kill me, Mr. D., don't kill me ! I only

I9O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

called Mrs. H. because I thought you was killing my
child — she screamed so terribly ! Oh, please don't whip
me any more this time, please ! My back is still sore
from the last whipping you gave me, and every stroke
you now give me seems to cut into the flesh like a knife.
Oh, please don't whip me any more ! please don't ! please !
please!"

These words from Mary's lips Mrs. H. distinguished as
plainly as though they had been spoken at her side, for
both Jane and her mother spoke most excellent English,
having always been brought up as house servants, and
never having imbibed the habit of using the negro dia
lect. Indeed, in their habits and manners they were quite
as ladylike as their mistress, nor could it hardly be other
wise, since both from childhood had been made to wait
upon ladies of education and refinement, and could
scarcely have failed to imbibe their language and man
ners. Pathetic as Mary's pleadings were, however, they
failed to reach Mr. D.'s heart, for in a moment after Mrs.
H. heard the lash again applied, and this time Mary
screamed still louder than before. Again and again she
could hear the lash descend upon poor Mary's back, and
again and again came from her lips the most horrid
screechings and the most piteous moans. Finally, Mrs.
H. could listen no longer, but, returning to her sitting-
room, threw herself upon a lounge and wept as if her
very heart would break. Then and there she made a
most solemn vow to God that she would give herself no
rest until she had rescued Jane and her mother from their
heartless, cruel master, nor would she ever try again to
live on terms of friendship, much less of intimacy, with
Mr. and Mrs. D.

When Mr. H. came home to tea, he observed that his
wife had been weeping, and inquired the cause. She
then told him all that she had seen and heard during the

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." IQI

afternoon, and begged of him, for her sake, for Mary
and Jane's sake, for God's sake, to go, immediately after
tea, to Judge Freese's quarters and tell him all that had
occurred. She was sure, she said, from what she had
heard of his court, that he would not permit such heart
less barbarities to continue in Alexandria. The husband
was deeply impressed with his wife's story, and still more
so by the pathetic appeal which she had made to him in
behalf of the two servants, and promised to do as she
requested, notwithstanding his very great reluctance to
break friendship with Mr. and Mrs. D.

Accordingly, after tea, instead of going back to his
store he went direct to Judge Freese's quarters and told
him the whole story, just as his wife had told it to him.
The Judge listened attentively, and, when Mr. H. had fin
ished, said, in a very quiet but in a very determined way,
that the case should have his careful and prompt atten
tion. The Judge then told Mr. H. to please bring his wife
around to headquarters next morning, that she might
make a formal affidavit to what she had seen and heard,
after receiving which he would direct the Provost-Mar
shal to arrest Mr. H., and bring him and the two servants
before the court at its next sitting. Next morning early
Mr. and Mrs. H. went to the general headquarters. The
Judge wrote down, as Mrs. H. detailed it, the story as
heretofore told, when Mrs. H. added her signature and
made affidavit as to its truthfulness. The Judge then
sent for the Provost-Marshal, and ordered him to arrest
Mr. D. and bring him and the two servants, Mary and
Jane, before the court at ten o'clock.

The arrest of so prominent a citizen as Mr. D. spread
through the city like wildfire, and, when the court as
sembled, the court-room was crowded in every part.
After all the other prisoners present had been discharged
or sentenced, the case of Mr. H. was called. He arose,

IQ2 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

when his name was called, and said he was there in obe
dience to the orders of the court, but for what cause he
knew not, except — if he had understood the marshal
aright — for punishing his own slaves, which, according
to the laws of Virginia, he certainly had the right to do.
The Judge only replied that he (Mr. D.) would probably
understand his rights better after the case had been tried,
and then directed that the trial proceed. Mr. D. asked
if he could be represented by an attorney.

" Certainly," replied the Judge, " if the attorney will
first take the oath of allegiance to the United States
Government"

This the attorney present declined to do, and Mr. D.
was obliged to act as his own attorney. The first witness
called was Mary, the slave-mother. She testified, in re
sponse to questions by the court, that she had been born
the slave of Mrs. D.'s father, and had lived in his family
until Mrs. D. was married, when she had been given to
Mrs. D. as her maid or body-servant ; that her daughter
Jane, then about five years of age, had been given to
Mrs. D. at the same time; that she, Mary, had never
been married, but when less than twenty years of age
had repeatedly been ordered to the bedchamber of Mrs.
D.'s father ; that Jane was none other than the daughter
of Mrs. D.'s own father, and consequently half-sister to
Mrs. P. herself; that she had frequently asked her former
master and her present mistress for the privilege to learn
to read and write, and, when she had learned herself, that
she might teach her daughter Jane, but they had always
refused, and given as a reason that the laws of Virginia
made it a criminal offence to teach a slave to read or
write ; that both she and her daughter had been gener
ally well treated by Mr. and Mrs. D. until the Union
troops came to Alexandria; that since that time both
seemed to have entirely changed in their disposition

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 193

towards her and her daughter; that nothing they could
do seemed to please them ; that both she and her daughter
had been forbidden to go upon the street at any time or
upon any occasion, and that finally they had been for
bidden to look out of the windows ; that they had tried
to obey even this order, but, on hearing music and the
tramp of passing soldiers, they had sometimes been drawn
to the windows unthinkingly; for this one offence and
for no other — for Mrs. D. always reported them to her
husband, and seemed to take pleasure in doing so when
ever she chanced to catch them at a window — Mr. D. had
whipped both her and her daughter several times most
terribly ; that he always took them to the garret, tied a
cord around each wrist, threw the cord over a beam and
drew them up until their toes just touched the floor,
stripped them to the waist, and then with a rawhide gave
them as many lashes as he thought they could stand
without fainting ; that her own back, and her daughter's
as well, were so raw and sore that they could hardly wear
their dresses ; that Mrs. D. always encouraged these
whippings, and that neither she nor her husband ever
manifested the least sympathy with their subsequent suf
ferings; that neither she nor her daughter had ever made
an attempt to escape from bondage, nor had either of them
ever threatened their master or mistress so to do, not
withstanding all they had suffered. She wept frequently
while giving in her testimony, and at times almost the
entire audience seemed melted to tears. The Judge was
observed to wipe his eyes frequently, and several times
his voice was so choked with emotion that he had to
hesitate some moments before he could put the next
question. The whole of Mary's evidence had to be drawn
from her lips, item by item. She seemed all the while
afraid to answer questions, and said nothing of her own
accord.

17 N

194 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Jane was next called. Her evidence entirely accorded
with her mother's, so far as her knowledge extended.
Mrs. D., she said, had never found any fault about her
work — only about her looking out of the windows, and
this she had not meant to do, but did it every time with
out thinking. When she heard the music of a band, or
the tramp of soldiers, some irresistible force always drew
her to the nearest window to look out. She could not
help it, though her life depended upon it. Both she and
her mother were passionately fond of music, and when
their mistress played on the piano in the parlor, they
generally managed to leave their work long enough to
stand and listen, by a door ajar, until the music ended.
She did not understand why she and her mother should
be so infatuated — crazy as she called it — about music.
She only knew that it was so, and that neither of them
could help it.

Mrs. H. was the next witness. She detailed, carefully
and succinctly, what she had heard and seen the afternoon
before. Told of her long and agreeable acquaintance
with Mr. and Mrs. D., and how much she regretted the
rupture of those friendly relations. Said she had fre
quently heard Mrs. D. speak in the highest terms of her
two servants, Mary and Jane ; that several times before
that afternoon she had heard strange, unusual noises next
door, but never until then had she heard them plain
enough to know what they meant. On leaving the wit
ness-stand and resuming her seat, she burst into a flood
of tears, and it was several minutes before she could re
gain her self-possession.

The Judge then asked Mr. D. to call any witnesses
he had present, or to present himself or his wife as a
witness, if he thought proper.

Mr. D. replied that he had no witnesses in the case,
neither did he propose to offer himself nor his wife as a

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 195

witness ; that he substantially admitted all that had been
said by the witnesses for the prosecution, except as to the
severity of the punishment inflicted. In that, he thought,
the witnesses had all exaggerated. In the excitement at
tendant upon the punishment of a servant, however, one
might strike harder blows, and more of them, than he
intended or knew of at the moment ; but he certainly
never had intended to punish either Mary or Jane to the
extent they had described. His defence, he said, was that
he had done nothing more than the laws of Virginia au
thorized. That, within maiming and death, the law gave
to a master the authority to punish a slave to any extent
he pleased. That ever since Federal troops had been
in the city he had suspected Mary and Jane to be plan
ning means of escape, and that it was to make them
realize his right to them as their owner and master, and
to keep them in wholesome dread of his authority, that he
had forbidden them to go upon the streets, to look out at
the windows, and had occasionally punished them in, as
he thought, a very mild way. Besides, he thought a
military court had no right whatever to interfere with the
relations between master and slave, and hoped the court
would think proper to dismiss the case. He spoke in a
very pompous manner, and took his seat as one who had
entirely demolished his adversaries.

For a few moments there was an almost death-like si
lence in the court-room. No one spoke. You could
almost have heard a pin drop on the floor. The Judge
then ordered Mr. D. to stand up to receive the sentence
of the court. Mr. D. stood up. The Judge then pro
ceeded to say, "Sir: You are charged with assault and
battery upon these two defenceless females, Mary and
Jane. The evidence is clear that you committed such
assault, not once only but several times. Indeed, you
yourself admit it. Your defence is that they are your

196 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

slaves, and that, according to the slave code of Virginia,
you had the right to punish them to any extent you
pleased within that of maiming or the taking of life. I
am not familiar with the slave code of Virginia, and can
not say of a certainty that you represent it wrongfully,
but I can say that if such authority exists upon any statute-
book of any State, it is a disgrace to civilization, and the
sooner it be expunged the better. But, sir, it matters not
to this court what the laws of Virginia may be upon this
or upon any other subject. This is a United States mili
tary court — a court of necessity, and ' necessity knows
no law ' is an old maxim — a court established because all
other means of justice had fled from this city — a court
governed by the principles of equity, rather than of law —
a court established to protect the lives, the natural rights,
and the property of every inhabitant of Alexandria, without
regard to their political opinions, their religious predilec
tions, their sex, their condition in life, or their color — a
court which does not, and cannot, recognize slavery in
any shape or form — a court which now and ever will
protect the lives, the personal rights, and the property
of those called slaves as readily as of those called masters.
While this court possesses no power to dissolve the rela
tion which the laws of a State have made possible between
master and slave — that power belonging alone to the
President of the United States in his capacity as com-
mander-in-chief of the army and navy — yet it does possess
the power, and it is its imperative duty, to protect the
weak against the strong, the slave against undue severity
from his or her master or mistress, and particularly from
inflicting punishment without adequate cause. The evi
dence in this case, sir, shows that you had no cause, no
reasonable cause, for inflicting any punishment whatever
on either of these females ; that they were both uniformly
good servants, that your wife invariably spoke of them as

JUDGE FREESE'S "BAYONET COURT." 197

such until the Union troops came into this city, and that
then, and not till then, you conceived the idea that they
would escape from your service if they could, and to
counteract such a thought in their minds you gave them
commands contrary to all the laws of nature ; and because
they did not, for the reason that they could not, obey
these unnatural commands, you inflicted upon them both
a degree of punishment such as a man would be indicta
ble for if inflicted upon a horse. This you try to excuse
by saying that, while in a passion, you may have struck
them harder and oftener than you intended; the answer
to which is that a man subject to such violent passions,
and devoid of mercy, as you, sir, appear to be, is utterly
unfit to have in his power those who are unable to defend
themselves against brute violence. Those whom you
abuse, therefore, must be taken from your control; must
be placed in the hands of those who will treat them kindly,
treat them as human beings ; and though this temporary
taking away may not destroy your legal right to their
services at some future time, it will, at least, protect them
from your violence for the present, and it may be that, before
this sentence shall have expired, a merciful Providence
may induce the President to issue a proclamation of uni
versal freedom to all the slaves of this land. Meanwhile,
this court will use all the power it possesses to protect
them from undue violence from those who call themselves
their owners ; and the court desires to give fair warning
now, so that all may be without excuse hereafter, that
from henceforth this court will regard an assault made
upon a so-called slave in precisely the same light as if
made upon a free white person. For every stroke laid
upon a slave hereafter, without justifiable cause, the master
will receive a like number, or other punishment equal
thereto, by the sentence of this court ; and the only reason
why you, sir, are excused from corporal punishment now,
17*

198 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

is, that you acted ignorantly — acted, as you supposed,
under the laws of Virginia, and without knowing the law
or orders of this court upon this subject. Hereafter no
one within the jurisdiction of this court can have any
such excuse.

" The sentence of the court is, that you, Mr. D., im
mediately after the adjournment of this court, go with
the Provost- Marshal to his office, and there, over your own
hand and seal, with the Provost-Marshal as a witness,
execute a permit to Mary and to Jane, each, to leave your
employ at once, and take with them whatever of clothing
or other articles heretofore recognized as theirs — to en
gage their services as domestics to whomsoever else they
please, to receive in their own right and to use as they
please, whatever wages may be agreed upon between
them and their future employers — to go and come when
and wheresoever they please, and in no respect whatsoever
to be subject to your direction or control. And the fur
ther judgment of the court is, that this sentence shall
remain in full force and virtue so long as the war between
the North and the South continues.

" To you, Mr. Provost-Marshal, the court begs to say
that you will not permit Mr. D. to leave your custody
until he has fully executed this order; and should he
refuse, or even hesitate, you will at once lock him up
in the county jail, and report to this court for further
orders.

" To you, Mr. and Mrs. H., the court begs to return not
only its thanks, but the thanks of every peace-loving,
mercy-loving, freedom-loving citizen of this community,
for having brought this case before the court, and thereby
put a check, if not an entire stop, to an evil which other
wise might have grown to huge proportions ; and, as
a further manifestation of your good hearts, the court
requests that you will take Mary and her daughter in

JUDGE FREESE S BAYONET COURT. 199

your own employ, until such time as a better arrangement
can be effected, if that be ever possible.

" The court stands adjourned until to-morrow* at ten
o'clock."

While the Judge was delivering this sentence, perfect
silence prevailed ; but the moment he closed, a buzz of
approval ran throughout the court-room, amounting al
most to cheers. Mr. D. and his attorney, and the few
friends immediately about him, looked like so many dark
thunder-clouds in a clear sky; but the contrast only made
the sky to appear the brighter. The crowd dispersed.
The sentinels present, at a shoulder-arms, with fixed
bayonets, at once formed a front and rear guard to the
Provost-Marshal and his prisoner, and, when on the street,
a hollow-square, until they reached the Provost- Marshal's
office. A permit, such as the court had directed, was
then prepared, to which Mr. D. put his hand and seal,
with the Provost-Marshal as a witness. The Provost-
Marshal then went with Mary and her daughter (Mr. D.
still accompanying and not yet discharged) to Mr. D.'s
house, where the two servants were permitted to gather
together their clothing and whatever else they claimed as
theirs. Mrs. D. was at first disposed to refuse the ser
vants their clothing, or anything else, and to talk loudly
against the injustice of the court, etc. ; but a word of
caution from the Provost-Marshal, and a beseeching look
from her husband, effectually closed her lips. When
Mary and Jane had got all together, in such bundle as
they could easily carry, the Marshal accompanied them
to the residence of Mrs. H. and there left them.

Mrs. H. met them in the entry-way, and the moment
they saw her, both servants fell on their knees and begged
to kiss her hand, or even the hem of her garment. They
wept and laughed alternately, and it was some time be
fore she could get them to arise from their knees and go

20O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

to the room which had been prepared for them. The
transition from slavery to virtual freedom, from constant
dread to*free volition, to what had seemed to them a hell
to what now seemed to them a heaven, had been so sud
den, that they could scarcely realize it as possible ; and,
when they reached the room assigned them, both again
fell on their knees, and for a full hour returned thanks to
God for his mercy and loving-kindness, and implored
blessings on those who had shown them such unexpected
kindness. Both Mary and her daughter were members
of the Methodist Church — the former had -been so for
many years — and both had always led, so far as was
known, consistent Christian lives.

The result of the trial was soon in the mouths of every
body, some condemning, but a large majority approving.
The effect was, that not a single similar case was brought
before the court after that. The warning of the court was
so plain and pointed that all who owned slaves in Alex
andria felt that they knew, as well before as after, what
punishment would follow ill-treatment, and none were
ill-treated.

Had like courts followed the army, or been established
in every city of the South on the day they fell into the
hands of Union troops, what immense suffering might
have been saved; how many rescued from premature
graves, caused by inhuman treatment ; and how many
thousands could have been given the blessed boon of
freedom, who were run into Texas, thence to Cuba and
Brazil, and thence consigned to a fate worse than death
itself!

202

CHAPTER XIII.

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY.
PREJUDICE AND SELF-INTEREST PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

definition given by lexicographers to the word
1 loyalty, namely, " faithful to the lawful government,"
is so plain that no one can fail to comprehend it; and yet
such were the complications in the late war between the
United States and the Confederate States, that to no word
could a greater variety of significations have been given.
The Northern man claimed that to be loyal one must be
faithful to the United States government, and all who were
not so were rebels. The Southern man claimed that, after
the organization of the Confederate States government,
no man south of" Mason and Dixon's line" could be re
garded as loyal who was not in favor of, and faithful to,
that government. The extreme State-rights man claimed
that to be loyal one must be faithful to the government
of the State in which he resided, or of which he was a
native. Each claimed theirs, and theirs only, to be the
" lawful " government, and insisted that to be loyal one
must be faithful to it, and to it alone, and that any lack
of fidelity thereto was disloyalty, and could be nothing
else.

To illustrate by a figure once before used in this vol
ume — that of a divorce suit between man and wife — it is
easy enough to see how the children, taking the side of
the father, might charge those who took the side of the
mother with disloyalty to the family, and how those tak
ing the side of the mother might retort by saying that

203

2O4 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the mother was quite as much a part of the family as the
father, and that those who opposed her were more dis
loyal to the family than themselves. Thus criminations
and recriminations might pass between the children of a
divided household — divided in sentiment, if not yet by
law — and if a third party were called in as arbitrator, it
would be no easy matter for him to decide which of the
two was right and which wrong. Viewing the subject
from this stand-point, now that the prejudices and excite
ments of the war are over, it is not difficult to understand
how President Davis, General Lee, General Beauregard,
General Polk, and their adherents, regarded themselves
quite as loyal as President Lincoln, General Grant, Gen
eral Sherman, General Sheridan, and their followers.
Each regarded theirs as the " laivful government," and
that only by adhering to it, by being faithful to it, could
one justly claim to be loyal.

But there was a third class in the war, who, while claim
ing to be faithful to one government, were, At heart, in
favor of the other ; who only wore the " garb of heaven "
that they might the better " serve the devil ; " who were
ever ready to make promises to both sides, but who were
true to neither ; men who, like Marlborough, while pre
tending to be faithful to William III., was really plot
ting to restore James II. So well laid were Marlbor-
ough's plans, that Macaulay says, " Had Marlborough,
therefore, after securing the cooperation of some distin
guished officers, presented himself at the critical moment
to those regiments which he had led to victory in Flan
ders and in Ireland, had he called on them to rally around
him, to protect the Parliament, and to drive out the aliens
(William's friends), there is strong reason to think that
the call would have been obeyed."

Writing of the disloyalty and treachery of many who
surrounded the throne of William and Mary at that time

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY.

(1691), Macaulay says : "Wicked and base as their con
duct was, there was nothing in it surprising. They did
after their kind. The times were troubled. A thick cloud
was upon the future. The most sagacious and experi
enced politician could not see with any clearness three
months before him. To a man of virtue and honor, in
deed, this mattered little. His uncertainty as to what the
morrow would bring forth, might make him anxious, but
could not make him perfidious. Though left in utter
darkness as to what concerned his interests, he had the
sure guidance of his principles. But, unhappily, men of
virtue and honor were not numerous among the courtiers
of that age. Whitehall had been, during thirty years, a
seminary of every public and private vice, and swarmed
with low-minded, double-dealing, self-seeking politicians.
The politicians now acted as it was natural that men pro
foundly immoral should act at a crisis of which none
could predict the issue. Some of them might have a
slight predilection for William ; others a slight predilec
tion for James ; but it was not by any such predilection
that the conduct of any of the breed was guided. If it
had seemed certain that William would stand, they would
all have been for William. If it had seemed certain that
James would be restored, they would all have been for
James. But what was to be done when the chances ap
peared to be almost exactly balanced ? There were hon
est men of one party who would have answered, ' To stand
by the true king and the true church, and, if necessary,
die for them like Laud.' There were honest men of the
other party who would have answered, ' To stand by the
liberties of England and the Protestant religion, and, if
necessary, die for them like Sidney.' But such consistency
was unintelligible to many of the noble and the powerful.
Their object was to be safe in every event. They there
fore openly took the oath of allegiance to one king, and
18

2O6 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

secretly plighted their word to the other. They were in
defatigable in obtaining commissions, patents of peerage,
pensions, grants of crown land, under the great seal of
William, and they had in their secret drawers promises
of pardon in the handwriting of James."

Now let the reader turn back and read this extract and
the one preceding it about Marlborough, both from Ma-
caulay's History of England, over again, carefully and
considerately — putting the name of Abraham Lincoln in
the place of William, wherever it occurs ; and the name
of Jefferson Davis in place of James, wherever it occurs,
and whatever name he pleases in place of Marlborough's,
and he will, we think, be entirely competent to draw his
own similitudes, and to understand the causes of many
things heretofore related in this volume, and of some
which we purpose to relate in this chapter.

Another class of cases occasionally brought before the
Provost-Court, at Alexandria, related to loyalty. To re
late the details of one or two of these cases will give to
the reader a general conception of the whole.

Mr. E.'s usual residence was in Sussex County, New
Jersey, but in some way, and at some time, he became
the owner of a farm not many miles from Alexandria,
Virginia. In throwing up earth-works at Munson's Hill
and at other points, with a view to protect Washington
and Alexandria, it so happened that Mr. E.'s farm was
left about one mile outside of the Union lines. And it so
happened, too, that the Confederates, in establishing their
picket-line and temporary works of defence, made them
about one mile the other side of Mr. E.'s farm. This left
him literally "between two fires," for the mounted can
non on either side could throw a ball into his house at
any moment, and squads of cavalry from both sides oc
casionally visited his house. Had he continued to look
after his farming operations, and those only, he would

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY. 2O/

probably not have been seriously disturbed by either side;
but the love of the almighty dollar so far prevailed over
his better judgment and his loyalty, that he concluded to
try merchandising, in a surreptitious way, at his own
farm-house. For years previous he had been in the habit
of purchasing the supplies for his farm in Alexandria,
which, with the fact that he was a Northern man and was
presumed to be, as he professed to be, entirely loyal to
the United States government, made it no trouble for him
to procure passes in and out of the Union lines, whenever
he had occasion to use them. After awhile it was ob
served that he passed in and out of the lines much oftener
than he had been in the habit of doing when the line was
first established, and that he usually drove a two-horse
wagon, with a cloth cover over it, and apparently well filled
within. It was observed, too, by officers, with their field-
glasses, from the works at Munson's Hill, that Confeder
ate cavalry visited Mr. E.'s house much oftener than they
had been in the habit of doing during the first months
of the war, and how many, both of cavalry and infantry,
visited his place at night, of course they had no means
of knowing. When Union cavalry or infantry visited his
house, they never saw anything more than was usual
about farm-houses, and he always welcomed them with
the utmost cordiality. He regretted, he said, that Con
federate soldiers visited his house so often. They seemed,
he said, to suspicion that he was too intensely Union, but
he quieted them by saying that while, of course, he was
a Union man, and could be nothing else, yet he meant to
be entirely neutral so long as the war continued, and,
while he could do nothing for them, he would do nothing
against them. The peculiarity of his situation, between
the two lines, made this answer seem entirely reasonable
to the Unionists who visited him, or who questioned him

2O8 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

at any time, and passes continued to be issued to him
whenever he applied for them.

Thus matters went on for weeks and months, until one
day, when he was about passing a sentinel's post, the sen
tinel had the curiosity, not only to inquire, but to make
a careful examination, of what he had in his wagon. He
found barrels of sugar, bags of coffee, chests of tea, sacks
of salt, barrels of whiskey, and such other articles as are
usually kept and sold at country stores. The sentinel
asked Mr. E. if he did not keep a store? Oh, no, he
said, he bought these things all for his own use and for
the use of his servants on the farm, of whom he had a
large number. He never sold an ounce of anything to
anybody, and kept his supplies so concealed that when
rebels came to his house, as they did sometimes, they
never could see anything* On no consideration would
he sell or give anything to the rebels, and the Union sol
diers, of course, never had occasion to buy anything out
side of their lines.

His manner, as well as his words, still further excited
the suspicion of the sentinel, and so soon as he was re
lieved he went to his captain and told him all that had
occurred. The captain reported the facts to his colonel,
and received orders from him to instruct the sentinel on
that post that when Mr. E. next attempted to pass out of
the lines with a load of groceries to halt him, and bring
him and his wagon to the regimental headquarters. Only
a few days elapsed, when Mr. E. again attempted to pass
out with a heavier load than at any time previous. When
he showed his pass, as usual, the sentinel replied that his
orders were to halt him until he could call the corporal
of the guard. Mr. E. protested against the unnecessary
detention, but, as the sentinel would not yield, he could
do nothing else than wait until the corporal came. The
corporal informed him that he must turn his team about

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY. 2OO,

and accompany him to the regimental headquarters. Mr.
E. was now more alarmed than ever, and tried first to
cajole and then to bribe the corporal and the sentinel to
let him pass, but they would not listen to his overtures.
Finding no other way, he turned his team about and ac
companied the corporal to the regimental headquarters.
The colonel examined Mr. E.'s load and found that it
consisted principally of groceries. In reply to the ques
tion, What he did with them ? he answered the colonel, as
he had before answered the sentinel, that he used them
for himself and the servants on his farm ; that he did not
sell an ounce to the rebels; would not, under any cir
cumstances, etc., etc. The colonel listened respectfully
to all that Mr. E. said, but did not believe a word of it.
When he had finished, the colonel replied, very calmly
but very determinately, that as Mr. E. was a private citi
zen, and could not, therefore, be tried by a court-martial,
he must accompany him next morning to Alexandria,
that all the facts of the case might be laid before the
Provost-Judge of that city for such action as he might
think proper. Meanwhile, his team and his goods would
be well taken care of, and he should regard himself as in
arrest. Mr. E. protested, but soon became satisfied that
he was in the hands of one who could not be cajoled or
trifled with, and that submission was his only course.

Next morning the colonel, accompanied by Mr. E., the
corporal, and the two sentinels — the one who had ex
amined Mr. E.'s load the first time and the one who had
detained him last — went to Alexandria, reaching there
about nine o'clock. They went direct to the general
headquarters, and the colonel at once communicated all
the facts to Judge Freese. He replied that the provost-
court met at ten o'clock, and that so soon as all other
cases had been adjudicated this case should be heard,
18* O

2IO SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

and that the colonel, his prisoner, and his witnesses
should be in attendance.

Promptly at ten o'clock the court opened. A dozen or
more cases were heard and adjudicated, after which the
case of Mr. E. was called. The first witness — the first
sentinel — gave in his testimony just as detailed hereto
fore. The second sentinel and the corporal did the same.
The colonel then related all that he knew about the case,
and in the course of his testimony, said that he had
known of Mr. E. ever since encamped where he then
was; that he had frequently heard other officers speak
of him ; that he, with others, had often watched Mr.
E.'s house through their field-glasses, and frequently seen
rebel officers and privates coming and going ; that for a
week previous Mr. E. had gone backwards and forwards
through the lines every day or two, usually in a two-
horse covered wagon, and dressed as a hard-working
farmer ; that he always had with him a permit from the
general commanding to pass in and out, and that his sen
tinels had never thought to question his right so to do
until after the one sentinel took the liberty of looking
in Mr. E.'s wagon, and found it filled with boxes and
barrels ; that since then he had talked the matter over
with the general and several other officers, and all agreed
in the opinion that Mr. E. was selling these supplies to
the enemy ; that, thereupon, he had directed the sentinel
upon that post to be instructed to arrest him and bring
him to his headquarters should he again attempt to pass
with a loaded wagon ; that his wagon, when so arrested,
was loaded, as heavily as two horses could well draw, with
groceries, liquors, etc., and that the team, wagon, grocer
ies, and liquors were now in his camp subject to any
order the court might make.

Mr. E. was then called upon by the court to present
any witnesses he might have, or to offer himself as a

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY. 211

witness, or to say anything he could in his own defence,
or all together, if he chose.

Mr. E. replied that he had no witnesses to offer, but,
if the court please, would like to make a statement. He
then repeated about the same story he had told the sentinel
and the colonel, and added, that in Sussex County, New
Jersey, where he was well known, nobody doubted his
loyalty ; that his father had, at one time, been a member
of Congress from that State, and that he himself would
probably have raised a company or a regiment of volun
teers when the war commenced had he not owned this
plantation in Virginia and had it to look after. He
insisted upon his loyalty, and strongly urged his imme
diate release from arrest.

The court replied that cases of this kind were exceed
ingly perplexing at all times, and he, the Judge, would
only be too glad if there were some other tribunal to
which they could be referred ; but as there was not,
he could not do less than hear them, and after hearing, if
he found cause for action, he could not do less than act.
" In this case it was perfectly plain to the court that, not
withstanding Mr. E.'s denial, he had been selling grocer
ies, liquors, etc., to officers and privates of General Lee's
army, and might, therefore, fairly be presumed to have
given ' aid and comfort to the enemy.' But the court
did not believe that it had been done with any such intent.
On the contrary, the court believed that it was the love
of money — which is said to be the ' root of all evil ' —
that had induced the defendant to do just what he had
done. Mr. E. is one of the thousands and tens of thou
sands throughout the North who, while making loud
professions of loyalty, are all the while looking out for
the ' main chance ; ' whose loyalty goes no deeper than
their pockets ; whose self-interests so far overbalance any
sentiment of patriotism or loyalty, that they would be

212 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Lincoln men, or Davis men, just as they thought the one
or the other was likely to win ; who, while claiming the
protection of one government and getting from it all they
could, were all the while profuse in promises to the other,
and ready to do for it whatever they could, whereby to
put dollars in their own pockets or honors upon their
own heads or shoulders. Nor is this sentiment confined
to farmers and merchants, but the court regrets to have to
believe it is to be found in the army, in the navy, in the
very presence-chamber of the chief executive, and what
is true of the North, the court has no doubt is equally
true of the South, though not probably to so great an
extent.

" In this case the defendant, doubtless, excused himself
somewhat on the ground that he was doing it upon his
own property, and that he was doing it as a matter of
self-preservation, which, as has been well said, is the 'first
law of nature.' But while such pleas would be entirely
valid in time of peace, they are not valid in time of war.
At such a time, all private interests have to yield to the
public good, and what may seem like the taking away of
natural rights from the one, may be justice, only justice,
to the many. The defendant, too, though a man of gen
eral intelligence, was probably not aware that he was
violating any law, State or national, in doing what he did.

" Viewing the case from all these stand-points, the
court has decided to suspend sentence upon this defend
ant until he shall be again found violating, or not fulfilling,
the orders of the court. Meanwhile, the court orders that
the goods now in Mr. E.'s wagon shall be brought back
to Alexandria and returned to the parties from whom
they were purchased ; that, immediately after, whatever
other goods may be found upon Mr. E.'s premises (other
than enough to support the servants on the place for one
month, if any servants at all be found there) shall be

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY. 213

brought to this city and returned in like manner; that,
after remaining one week longer on his farm, to ' put his
house in order,' Mr. E. shall return to his home in Sussex
County, New Jersey, and remain there until the war closes;
that, if at any time after one week Mr. E. be found upon
his farm, or in Alexandria, he be at once rearrested and
brought before this court for sentence upon the charges
now pending; and, if so brought, the defendant may rest
assured that he will not have opportunity to give the
enemy any aid and comfort after that.

" With you, Colonel W., the court leaves the execution
of this order in all its details, and, while thanking you
for what you have already done, will thank you still more
when you have rendered this additional service for the
government."

The court then adjourned, and, of the large number
present, there was probably not one, save the extremists
on either side, who might be counted on one's fingers
who did not approve of the action of the court in the
case. It need only be added that the orders of the court
were carried out to the letter; that Mr. E. returned to
his home in New Jersey and remained there until the
war ended.

Another case, of altogether a different character, and
yet involving the same principle — namely, that of disloy
alty to the government by aiding the enemy in a surrepti
tious way — occurred not long after and was as follows :

The " Hutchinson Family," who had been giving a se
ries of concerts in Washington, was invited by some New
England regiments, encamped not far from Alexandria,
to come to their encampments and give a series of concerts.
The " Family " had accepted the invitation and given
several concerts in pursuance thereof. Of course, their
programme was made up largely of war lyrics — at that
time by far the most popular songs with a Northern

214 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

audience, and especially with soldiers — among which was
that wonderful, soul-stirring poem by the Quaker poet,
John G. Whittier, as follows :

"We wait beneath the furnace blast

The pangs of transformation ;
Not painlessly doth God recast
And mould anew the nation.
Hot burns the fire
Where wrongs expire;
Nor spares the hand
That from the land
Uproots the ancient evil.

"The hand-breadth cloud the sages feared,

Its bloody rain is dropping;
The poison-plant the fathers spared
All else is overtopping.

East, West, South, North,
It curses the earth:
All justice dies,
And fraud and lies
Live only in its shadow.

"What gives the wheat-field blades of steel?

What points the rebel cannon?
What sets the roaring rabble's heel
On the old star-spangled pennon?
What breaks the oath
Of the men o' the South?
What whets the knife
For the Union's life? —
Hark to the answer: SLAVERY!

"Then waste no blows on lesser foes,

In strife unworthy freemen;
God lifts to-day the veil, and shows
The features of the demon*
O North and South '
Its victims both,
Can ye not cry,
'Let Slavery die!'
And Union find in freedom?

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY.

" What though the cast-out spirit tear

The nation in his going?
We who have shared the guilt must share
The pang of his o'erthrowing !
Whate'er the loss,
Whate'er the cross,
Shall they complain
Of present pain,
Who trust in God's hereafter?

"For who that leans on his right arm

Was ever yet forsaken ?
What righteous cause can suffer harm,
If He its part has taken ?
Though wild and loud,
And dark the cloud,
Behind its folds
His hand upholds
The calm sky of to-morrow !

"Above the maddening cry for blood,

Above the wild war-drumming,
Let Freedom's voice be heard, with good
The evil overcoming.

Give prayer and purse
To stay The Curse,
Whose wrong we share,
Whose shame we bear,
Whose end shall gladden Heaven!

" In vain the bells of war shall ring

Of triumphs and revenges,
While still is spared the evil thing
That severs and estranges.
But blest the ear
That yet shall hear
The jubilant bell
That rings the knell
Of Slavery forever !

"Then let the selfish lip be dumb,
And hushed the breath of sighing ;

2l6 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Before the joy of peace must come
The pains of purifying.

God give us grace,

Each in his place

To bear his lot,

And, murmuring not,
Endure, and wait, and labor ! "

To this was added another of Whittier's poems, called
THE CRISIS, as follows :

" The crisis presses on us ; face to face with us it stands,
With solemn lips of question, like the Sphinx in Egypt's sands !
This day we fashion Destiny, our web of fate we' spin ;
This day for all hereafter choose we holiness or sin;
Even now from starry Gerizim, or Ebal's cloudy crown,
We call the dews of blessing, or the bolts of cursing down !

" By all for which the martyrs bore their agony and shame ;
By all the warning words of truth with which the prophets came ;
By the future which awaits us ; by all the hopes which cast
Their faint and trembling beams across the blackness of the past,
And in the awful name of Him who for earth's freedom died;
O ye people, O my brothers! let us choose the righteous side!

" So shall the Northern pioneer go joyfully on his way,
To wed Penobscot's waters to San Francisco's bay;
To make the rugged places smooth, and sow the vales with grain,
And bear, with Liberty and Law, the Bible in his train ;
The mighty West shall bless the East, and sea shall answer sea;
And mountain unto mountain call : PRAISE GOD, FOR WE ARE
FREE ! "

Though the regiments to which they sang were made up
principally of anti-slavery men, yet there were a few pro-
slavery men among them, and these objected, loudly and
vehemently, to introducing or stimulating anti-slavery
sentiments among the soldiers. Especially did they ob
ject to those lines by Whittier. This caused considerable
discussion among both officers and men, which, through
one of the pro-slavery officers, finally reached the ears of

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY.

General McClellan, then in command of the forces south
of the Potomac. The General, for reasons best known
to himself, thereupon issued an order to the " Hutchin-
son Family " to sing no more in the camps, and retire at
once.

In obedience to this order, the "Family " left the camps
and came to Alexandria, on their way to Washington.
The reason for their leaving the camps had reached Alex
andria before the coming of themselves, and had produced
a very strong feeling among the Union men of the city
against General McClellan, and in favor of the Hutchin-
sons. On reaching there, they were called upon by a
number of leading citizens, among whom was Hon. Louis
McKenzie, afterwards a member of Congress from that
district, and then and always a consistent Union man. They
requested the Hutchinsons to give a concert in the city
before leaving, and promised them a large and sympa
thizing audience. The Hutchinsons were entirely willing
to give a concert, provided they could be assured of pro
tection ; but, having just been ordered by General McClel
lan to leave his command, they feared to sing again
south of the Potomac, unless they had permission, and
promise of protection, from the local authorities. This
the callers promised to procure, and at once went to the
general headquarters for that purpose.

They at first called upon General Montgomery. He,
while entirely sympathizing with their wishes, hesitated
about giving such formal permission, or promising any
such protection, for the reason, that, being within Gen
eral McClellan's command, the General might regard it
as a contempt of his order to the Hutchinsons ; neverthe
less he would impose no objections of any kind, and rec
ommended the applicants to see Judge Freese about it.
General Montgomery really desired to do all that the com
mittee requested ; but, for the reasons above stated, pre-
19

2l8 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ferred that Judge Freese should do it, by virtue of his
milito-civic authority as judge of the provost-court.

The committee next called upon the Provost-Judge and
laid all the facts before him, stating that General Mont
gomery had suggested that they call upon him. They
urgently requested Judge Freese to grant the needed per
mission, with promise of personal protection. The Judge
did not hesitate a moment to grant both requests. He
told the committee that if the court, backed by the pro
vost-guard, was not strong enough to protect peaceable
citizens in the giving of a concert, no matter what was
sung, the sooner the people knew it the better, and he
was ready to test the matter at once. As to General Mc-
Clellan's order, he regarded it as wholly unreasonable,
and the army regulations required no officer to obey an
" unreasonable " order. While he had a very high regard
personally for General McClellan, he thought, in this
matter, he had given too much heed to the enemies, and
too little heed to the friends, of the government; and,
whatever might be the consequences to himself, he had
no hesitancy in granting the asked-for permission and
promise of protection, even though General McClellan or
his friends should regard it in direct contumacy of his
order to the Hutchinsons. The Judge further said to
the committee, that he "particularly desired Whittier's
great poem to be sung, nor need the singers hesitate to in
troduce other war lyrics of like character — the more the
better."

The committee then procured one of the churches in
which to hold the concert, and fixed upon the evening of
the next day as the time. Meanwhile the Provost-Judge
directed the Provost-Marshal to double the number of
guards throughout the city for that night, from eight to
twelve o'clock, and to have all who were not on post at

LOYALTY VERSUS DISLOYALTY. 2X9

the church while the concert was being held — each with
loaded musket and fixed bayonet.

The news of the proposed concert spread rapidly-
through the city, and when the evening and hour arrived,
every seat in the church was filled, while hundreds were
gathered outside. The windows of the church were thrown
wide open, that the citizens and soldiers outside might
the better hear the words and music. The Provost-Judge
and Provost-Marshal took seats near the outer door, and
it was observed that while they seemed to give one ear
to the music, the other was given outside, to catch the
first note of alarm, should any occur. General Mont
gomery expressed a very strong desire to attend the con
cert, but, out of courtesy to General McClellan, his com
manding officer, thought he had better not, and therefore
stayed away. The concert proceeded without an iota of
disturbance, and gave great pleasure to the many hundreds
present. Whittier's poem, and several others of like
character, were so encored that the singers were obliged
to repeat them. When the concert had ended, the Provost-
Judge and Provost-Marshal, with the guard which had
been stationed about the church, accompanied the Hutclir
insons to their lodgings, and left them in care of trusted
friends. They were not disturbed through the night, and
left next morning for Washington, well pleased with their
stop-over at Alexandria.

This was not only a triumph over disloyalty, but another
instance strongly illustrating the restraining power which
the provost-court held in that community. The day pre
ceding the concert, and the day of the evening on which
it was held, there were loud threats not only among avowed
secessionists, but among anti-administration men, that the
concert should not be given. Their own personal and po
litical prejudices had been so aroused, backed and stim
ulated by General McClellan's order, that a single spark

22O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

would have ignited their whole magazine of passion ; and
but for the wholesome dread which they had of Judge
Freese's " Bayonet Court," as they were then in the habit
of calling it, that spark would undoubtedly have been
applied.

The love of money, old political prejudices, and inor
dinate ambition, were the three vile roots from which
most of disloyalty sprang during the late war, both in
the North and in the South ; and the illustrations given
in this chapter are but two of hundreds which might be
given, if the proposed limits of this volume would allow.

222

CHAPTER XIV.

DISL O YAL TY AS AFFECTING THE RIGHTS OF PR OPER TY.
ERROR AND PREJUDICE PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

A NOTHER class of cases brought before the provost-
li court at Alexandria related to disloyalty as affecting
the property-rights of individuals. In the hasty evacua
tion of the city, when the Union troops were about com
ing in, many had left their carpets, furniture, pianos, beds
and bedding, cooking utensils, everything, indeed, except
the clothing upon their persons and such few things as
they could pack in trunks. In some cases, persons re
maining in Alexandria had been given the keys of aban
doned houses and stores and the goods within left in their
charge ; but in other cases, so great had been the fright
and haste of the occupants, that even this precaution had
not been observed. What was true of Alexandria was no
less true of the country for several miles around. As
regiment after regiment came over from Washington and
encamped at points from one to five miles west and south
of Alexandria, they found many farm-houses and gentle
men's residences abandoned, in which had been left the
furniture, the pianos, the beds and bedding, and whatever
else could not be carried away in trunks. Of course, all
such abandoned residences were appropriated for head
quarters of divisions, brigades, and regiments, so far as
they were needed for such purposes ; and, in Alexandria,
such residences as were not needed for headquarters were
quickly applied for (or taken possession of in many cases
without any application to the General commanding) by

223

224 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

those who came to the city for purposes of trade, and for
other purposes.

Thus far everything progressed with what seemed to be
a sort of general consent ; but pretty soon a new class of
questions arose, in which there was a decided difference
of opinion, not only as between Union citizens and seces
sionists, but between Union officers and Union soldiers
as well. These questions arose from an assumed right,
upon the part of some, to appropriate for their own indi
vidual use and profit whatever had been abandoned by
those who had gone into the Confederate lines, and who
thereby had openly declared themselves not only disloyal,
but hostile, to the United States government.

Those who assumed such right, attempted to justify
their opinions and their acts by referring to the Act of
the United States Congress of August, 1861, by which
all property used for insurrectionary purposes was made
liable to confiscation; and they further claimed that it
was but a fair retaliation to the Act of the Confederate
Congress, by which the property of all Union men, living
within the Confederate lines, was made liable to seques
tration.

General Montgomery was among those who believed
that, while the army, as an army, had a right to make use
of property abandoned by an enemy, individuals, whether
as officers, soldiers, or citizens, had no such right; and
among his first acts, after being appointed Military Gov
ernor of Alexandria, was to direct his Assistant Adjutant-
General to issue an order forbidding the use of abandoned
property, without permission first had from general head
quarters; and when the provost-court was established,
he directed Judge Freese to see that that order be in no
way violated or evaded. In every case reported to the
Judge, where an attempt was made to take an article from
an abandoned house and appropriate it to the private use

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING PROPERTY. 225

of the taker, whether officer, soldier, or citizen, the party
was directed to refrain, or, if already taken, to return it at
once, under the penalty of arrest and punishment. This
soon became so generally understood in Alexandria that
no further attempt was made to appropriate abandoned
property for private use and profit there; but, after a
time, a case arose from the country, which required the
interposition of the court, a trial of the case, and a judg
ment ; and it is this case which we now propose to relate.
Dr. W. was the assistant surgeon of the Fourth Vol
unteers, and as good a man, in every respect, as one often
meets. When the government called for troops, he was
among the first to offer his services, though at that time
doing a large practice, having a large family to support,
and having but little of this world's goods ; and when the
Fourth regiment was organized, the governor of his State
appointed him its assistant surgeon. This regiment was
among the first to reach Washington, and the second to
establish a camp beyond Alexandria. The colonel of
the regiment was a wide-awake New Englander, an in
tense anti-slavery man, an ardent admirer and supporter
of President Lincoln, one who believed that a secessionist,
by becoming disloyal to the government, forfeited all the
rights he ever possessed, and that this forfeiture extended
to property quite as well as to personal rights. Though
he was never known to appropriate any abandoned prop
erty to his own private use or profit, yet he had no scru
ples of using it himself, and of allowing others of his regi
ment to use whatever fell in their way ; and if any of
his officers or soldiers asked to appropriate to their own
use anything which they had found, he never answered
nay. That he was entirely conscientious in all this, no
one that knew the man doubted for a moment, however
much they might differ with him in political opinion.
With a commanding officer holding such decided views,

P

226 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

it was not at all surprising that his lieutenant-colonel,
major, assistant-surgeon, adjutant, and almost, if not
quite, every company officer should, erelong, become as
decided as himself upon this question.

Near the spot on which they fixed for an encampment
was a large house, which had been abandoned by its
owner and occupant on the morning that the Union
troops marched into Alexandria. So hasty had been the
flight that even the breakfast-table, with the dishes upon
it, was left standing in the centre of the dining-room.
Not an article of furniture, so far a,s could be seen, had
been removed. The house had been well furnished, and,
among other things, had a piano, about half worn. This
had doubtless been played upon by daughters of the
family as well as by the wife, as there were articles
lying about the parlor which plainly indicated recent
occupancy by young ladies. The piano stood open when
the colonel, doctor, and other of his officers first entered
the ho,use, and that most exquisite of all musical compo
sitions, " Home, Sweet Home," was open on the music-
holder.

This house the colonel at once appropriated for the
headquarters of his regiment, and not only he, but his
lieutenant-colonel, major, doctor, and adjutant slept and
messed there. They slept in the beds, lounged on the
sofas, ate from the table, drank from the sideboard, and
used nearly everything about the house except the piano.
No one of the officers played, and erelong the piano be
came one of the neglected, if not one of the useless, arti
cles about the house. One day, when they were all
lounging in the parlor, the doctor said to the colonel :

" What a world of pleasure that piano would give my
wife and daughters if I only had it at my own home ! "

" Well," replied the colonel, " why then don't you send
it to your own home ? The owner, or once owner — for I

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING PROPERTY. 227

hold, you know, that rebels forfeit everything, even their
lives — is not here to object, and I am sure I won't."

This led to a general conversation on the subject
among all the officers present, the conclusion of which
was that the doctor should have the piano boxed, and
sent to his family as soon as he could conveniently. This,
of course, pleased the doctor greatly, and on the follow
ing day he got together boards, and a carpenter, had a
suitable box made, the piano carefully packed, and on the
day following sent it to Alexandria, with orders to have
it forwarded to his home, in New England, as speedily as
possible. When it was being unloaded at the shipping
warehouse, one of the provost-guard chanced to be pres
ent, and inquired of those who brought it where it came
from, who sent it, and where it was being sent to ? Those
who brought it answered all these questions without hesi
tancy, nor did they see any wrong in all that was being
done ; but the provost-guard, knowing what the orders in
the city were upon that subject, felt it to be his duty to
inform the Provost-Marshal of what he had seen, and no
sooner did the Marshal learn of it, than he informed the
Provost-Judge.

The Judge directed the Marshal to go at once to the
shipping merchant, and direct him not to send that box
away until further orders from the court. He next
directed the Marshal to call that afternoon upon the
doctor and the colonel, and request their presence at
the court-room next morning at ten o'clock. Should
they decline to attend by request, to inform him at once,
when he would order their arrest ; but he much preferred
to have all the facts inquired into without arrests, if it
could be done as well. The Marshal called upon the
colonel and the doctor that same afternoon, delivered the
Judge's message, and both promised to be at the court
room next morning without fail.

228 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

Promptly, as per promise, the colonel, the doctor, and
several other officers of the regiment were at the court
room next morning. The doctor, it was plain to see,
felt a little skary, but the colonel was so confident of the
justice of his case that he rejoiced in the opportunity of
convincing the Judge that for once, at least, he was in
the wrong. When all the other cases before the court
had been disposed of, the Judge turned to the doctor,
and said :

" Now the court will hear your case."

The doctor at once arose, and said he was there in
obedience to the orders of the court, but was not at all
aware with what crime he was charged.

The Judge replied that, as yet, he was not accused of
any crime, nor was he present by the " order," but rather
by the request, of the court. The Judge then stated all
that he had learned concerning the piano, and how he
had directed the shipping merchant not to send it away
until further orders from the court; that he had not issued
an order for arrest, for the reason that he much preferred
to have the whole matter inquired into amicably, as he
was under the impression that all done thus far had been
from error of judgment rather than from any intent to
do wrong ; but, if this course were declined, then there
was but one other way left — namely, arrest, trial, and
judgment, whatever it might be.

The doctor and the colonel both replied that they
much preferred an amicable hearing of the case, and were
ready, whenever it might please the court, to state all the
facts within their knowledge, either under oath or upon
their honors as gentlemen and officers.

The Judge expressed his pleasure at this frank manner
of meeting the case, and told the doctor to proceed,
" upon his honor as a gentleman and officer," to state all
the facts of the case within his knowledge — to which he

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING PROPERTY.

might add any arguments he pleased by way of justifi
cation.

The doctor, thus assured and placed entirely at his
ease, proceeded, in a calm, pleasant way, to state just
what had occurred, and how it occurred, since their occu
pancy of that abandoned house. He particularly detailed
the conversation that had incidentally occurred between
the colonel and himself, which led to the packing up
and sending away of the piano — all of which, he said,
could be confirmed by several officers then in the court
room ; that he had done nothing secretly or surrepti
tiously, nor had he once dreamed that he was doing a
wrong in anything he had done; but if, in the judgment
of the court, it was wrong, he was quite ready to undo
all that he had done, and have the piano put back exactly
where he had found it. As to the matter of justification,
he preferred to leave that in the hands of his colonel,
who had given to the subject more thought, and could
better express those thoughts than himself.

The Judge then extended to the colonel the same in
vitation he had given the doctor, and upon the same
terms. The colonel thanked the Judge for the courtesy,
and then proceeded to state the facts exactly as the
doctor had stated them, and exactly as heretofore given
in this chapter. This finished, he next entered upon an
argument to prove that all that a man had of personal
rights, of property, and even of life, he forfeited when
he became disloyal to his government. He laid special
stress upon the act of sequestration passed by the rebel
or Confederate Congress, and said that the taking of
abandoned property by Unionists on this side of the line
was only a fair retaliation for what the rebels were doing
with the Union people of the South. He also referred
to the act of confiscation then recently passed by the
United States Congress, and contended that if the gov-

20

23O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ernment thought it right to confiscate the property of
rebels in a wholesale way, individuals were certainly jus
tified in doing it in a retail way. The colonel was
earnest, at times quite eloquent, and certainly made the
best argument that could possibly be made on that side
of the question.

When the colonel had finished, the Judge inquired
whether any other person present desired to make a
statement or an argument in the case. Being answered
in the negative, Judge Freese then proceeded to state his
own views as follows :

" The court is obliged, very greatly obliged, both to
the doctor and to the colonel, for the cordial manner in
which they have met the issues of this case. The court
was reasonably satisfied before, but is still better satisfied
now, that nothing of wrong was intended in all that had
been done ; that it was simply an error of judgment, and
that none will be found more ready than themselves to
correct the error so soon as they are satisfied that it is an
error. About the facts of the case there is no dispute
whatever. All the statements agree. The only question,
therefore, is as to the reason or the law of the case. This
court is not strictly a law court. It is rather a court of
necessity — of a ' necessity that knows no law' — or of
equity; but in this particular case it might well afford to
stand upon the law alone, even if there were no equities
in the case to be considered.

" The act passed by the United States Congress, on the
6th of August last, known as the ' Confiscation Act/ pro
vides that, * in the present or any future insurrection, any
property given to aid such insurrection, or used for that
purpose with the knowledge and consent of the owner,
shall be subject to seizure and confiscation ; that actions
for the condemnation of such property shall be brought
in circuit, district, or admiralty courts having jurisdiction

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING PROPERTY. 23!

of the amount, and that the attorney-general, or any dis
trict attorney, may institute proceedings, which in such
cases shall be wholly for the benefit of the United States,
etc' It will be observed how carefully Congress has
pointed out every step of the way by which this act shall
be executed ; and in order to avoid any possibility of
private peculation, the act says, in so many words, ' such
case shall be ivholly — not in part, but WHOLLY — for the
benefit of the United States.' There is nothing in this
act to justify a private individual in taking so much as the
value of a pin from a house abandoned by an avowed
enemy, much less from the house of one who still claims
the protection of the common laws of his country, though
in temporary rebellion against the authorities now in
power. The court, it will be remarked, puts emphasis
upon the words private individual; for it holds that, for
purposes of the army, for purposes of attack and defence,
for purposes of sustenance and locomotion, or even for
purposes of comfort, an army, or any regularly organized
part of an army, may seize, hold, and use any property,
real or personal, that may have belonged to those now in
arms against that government.

" The colonel has also referred to the act passed by
the Confederate Congress, on the 3Oth of August last,
known as the ' Sequestration Act,' and thinks the passage
of that act justifies Union men in appropriating to their
own use any property that may have been abandoned by
the enemy. That act was passed about three weeks after
the ' Confiscation Act ' by the United States Congress,
and shows upon its face that it was altogether retaliatory.
Indeed, one section of the act says this in so many words.
That section, which really gives the animus of the whole
act, reads as follows :

" ' Be it enacted by the Congress of the Confederate
States, that all lands, goods, rights, and credits within

232 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

these Confederate States owned by any alien enemy since
the 2 1st of May, 1861, be sequestrated by the Confederate
States of America, and shall be held for the full indemnity
of any citizen and resident of these Confederate States,
or other person aiding said Confederate States in the
prosecution of the present war, and for which he may
suffer any loss or injury under the act of the United
States to which this act is retaliatory, authorizing the
seizure or confiscation of the property of citizens or
residents of the Confederate States ; and the same shall
be seized and disposed of as provided for in this act!
Even this act, emanating from a spirit of revenge and
retaliation, gives no authority, in any part of it, to private
individuals to seize for their own use and benefit any
property belonging to a Union man ; but expressly de
clares in the section just quoted, that 'the same shall be
seized and disposed of as provided for in this act;' and
the provisions referred to are quite as stringent and pre
cise as those in the United States ' Confiscation Act,'
heretofore quoted.

" The reason why all governments are thus particular
in pointing out the exact mode by which an enemy's
property may be seized and appropriated, is plain enough,
if one will but stop and consider it. Without such par
ticularity of procedure, an army going into an enemy's
country would soon become a rabble or mob — war would
soon become rapine — officers would soon lose all control
of their men, and from thenceforth plundering, spoliation,
and pillage would become the order of the day. Yea,
more, it would have the effect to set an army to warring
among themselves, for each officer and each soldier would
want the ' lion's share/ and it would only be a question
of strength and endurance as to which should have it.

" In the matter of the piano now in question, what
more right had the doctor to it than the major? what

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING PROPERTY. 233

more right had the major to it than any one of the ten
captains of the regiment ? What more right had any
captain to it than any one of the twenty lieutenants ? or
what more right had any lieutenant to it than any one
of the one thousand privates ? If it were a question of
strength only, the strongest man in the regiment would
finally gain the prize, even though he had to walk over
the dead body of every other man in the regiment to gain
it. The court thinks that even the doctor, though he
had his hands full of scalpels, or the colonel, though a
sword were suspended from every hair of his head, would
shrink from a contest of this character !

"Again, it should be borne in mind that, though prop
erty may have been abandoned temporarily by its owner,
he may afterwards repent of such abandonment and re
claim possession. Bouvier, in his admirable 'Institutes of
American Law! Sa7s • ' Things that have been abandoned
by the owner belong to the first occupant ; but if the
owner should repent of having thrown away or aban
doned the thing, he may retake it before any one else, and
he regains his former title. To entitle the finder to such
chattels, the former owner must have wholly abandoned
his title ; if, as in the case of a wreck, he has parted with
the possession on the ground of necessity, or with the
evident intention of resuming it, the property has never
been abandoned.'

"Again, he says: 'The right of acquiring personal
chattels by finding, is limited to those found upon the
surface of the earth. It does not extend to goods found
derelict at sea, though abandoned without hope of re
covery, nor to goods or money found hidden in the earth,
known by the name of treasure trove. In England such
goods belong to the crown ; in this country the title to
them perhaps has been seldom questioned in the hands
of the finder, except by the real owner. No title by oc-

20*

234 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

cupancy can in this country be gained in waifs, or stolen
goods thrown away or scattered by a thief in his flight,
in order to effect his escape. In England they belong to
the King ; here this prerogative has never been adopted
by the government against the true owner, and never,
perhaps, put in practice against the finder, though against
him there would be a better reason for adopting it. Nor can
any title be gained by occupancy of estrays, or cattle
whose owner is unknown, or of wrecks, or such goods
as after a shipwreck are cast upon the land by the sea,
and left there, within some county, so as not to belong
to the jurisdiction of the admiralty, but to the common
law.'

" Kent in his Commentaries lays down the same princi
ples, and both he and Bouvier cite a large number of de
cisions, both English and American cases, to prove the
correctness of the doctrine. Indeed, the principle has
been so universally adopted, that it would be difficult to
find a court, in this or any other civilized country, that
would not enforce it, in every case where the question of
abandoned property was brought before them.

" This is the first attempt, so far as the court knows, to
take a piano from any one of the many abandoned houses
in this city and vicinity; but frequent attempts have been
made to take smaller and less valuable articles ; and, in
every instance, where it has come to the knowledge of
the court, the person making the attempt has been required
to return the article to the place where found. Nor can
the court make any exception to the rule in this case. If,
from the law and reasons stated by the court, the doctor
and the colonel have become satisfied that they committed
an error in the taking of the piano, and will, without de
lay, return it to the exact place where they found it, and
promise to protect it from removal or damage hereafter,
or so long, at least, as they continue to occupy the house

DISLOYALTY AS AFFECTING PROPERTY. 235

for their headquarters, then no further steps need be taken
in this case. If they are not so convinced, and decline to
make any such promise, then the duty of the court will
be to order them both in arrest, and that the piano be
taken in charge by the Provost-Marshal, to await the
further orders of the court."

The doctor immediately arose and said he "desired to
extend his most hearty thanks to the court for the many
courtesies which had been extended towards him, and to
add, that the reasonings of the court had entirely satisfied
him of his error; that he would, without one moment of
unnecessary delay, have the piano returned to the house
from whence taken; and that from thenceforth, and so
long as he remained in the army, he would use whatever
influence he possessed towards preventing the taking of
abandoned property for individual purposes."

The colonel then arose and said he was " reminded of
the old maxim, that it ' took a bolder man to confess an
error than to face a cannon's mouth/ and while he laid no
claim to boldness, he did claim to be able to do what he
believed to be right ; and since he had heard the law and
reason of the case, as laid down by the court, he was free
to confess that he had all along been in error, and that
the court was in the right." He had, he said, such " an
utter detestation for disloyalty, that nothing, he thought,
could be too great punishment for a rebel, and he had
regarded the taking of their property — no matter when,
how, or by whom — as a part of their just punishment;
but the reasoning of the court had made it entirely clear
to his mind that, while this could be properly done by
the government for the general good, it could not be
properly done by individuals for their private gain." He,
like the doctor, would "turn a short corner on this subject,
and from thenceforth use whatever influence he possessed
to discourage the taking of abandoned or captured prop-

SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

erty far private uses. So long as he retained his present
headquarters, he would see that nothing was removed
from the premises, and, so far as it was possible, he would
have returned whatever had been taken away."

Thus ended, pleasantly and satisfactorily, what, at one
time, threatened to be a very ugly case. Had the doctor
and colonel chosen to disregard the request of the court,
and insisted upon their right to send the piano to the
doctor's home, it would have brought on a direct conflict
of authority, necessitated arrests, caused appeals to higher
authorities, and created confusion generally; but their
respect for the court was such as to overcome all these
unhappy consequences. On the afternoon of the same
day on which the case was heard, the colonel sent a team
to the Provost- Marshal's office ; the Marshal went with
the driver to the office of the shipping-merchant and di
rected the delivery of the piano ; and before sundown of
that day, the piano stood in the exact spot from which it
had been taken a few days before.

The triumph of reason over error and prejudice was
complete. From thenceforth the long-mooted and often
discussed question, as to how disloyalty affected the rights
of property, was settled in and about Alexandria. There
was no further attempt to appropriate abandoned property
for private uses.

238

CHAPTER XV.

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS.
JUSTICE SHIFTING THE SCENES AND PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

A NOTHER class of questions which came before the
Jt\ provost-court at Alexandria excited at the time a
large amount of interest; was discussed to some extent
by many of the ablest journals of the country; resulted
in the payment of several old debts — amounting to many
thousands of dollars — in an entirely new way; and as no
correct account thereof has ever yet appeared in historical
form, we purpose in this chapter to relate the facts and
incidents connected with one or two of the cases.

Though the causes of the war had been brewing for
many, many years ; though it was, indeed, as Mr. Seward
had long before called it, an " irrepressible conflict," which
could only be settled by the sacrifice of thousands of lives
and millions of treasure ; though threats, louder, deeper,
and more ominous, came year after year from Southern
States, and that, too, from a class of men whom all ac
knowledged could act as well as threaten whenever they
chose to. put their threats into execution, — yet, when the
storm did finally burst upon the country, it seemed to tens
of thousands in the North like a clap of thunder from a
clear sky, so wholly were they unprepared for it. Espe
cially was this true among merchants, and still more es
pecially was it true with that class of merchants who, for
many years previously, had been selling goods to Southern
merchants, and buying from them cotton, sugar, rice, and
tobacco. These merchants had, of course, a great many

239

24O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

pleasant personal acquaintances throughout the South ;
they had often been at their customers' stores, dined with
their families, been upon their plantations, visited their
sugar-mills, witnessed the workings of their cotton-gins,
admired the wonderful power of their cotton-presses,
heard their negroes sing while picking the cotton, listened
in raptures to the peculiar melodies of the negroes as they
stripped the tobacco leaf or rolled it into fragrant cigars,
and though, even at such times and in such places, they
had frequently heard Southern merchants and Southern
planters complain of what they called " Northern inter
ference with slavery " and " Northern oppression because
of tariffs," etc., etc., yet it had never occurred to them as
possible that the time would come when these same men
would try to break loose from the North and set up for
themselves a separate confederacy.

Such had been the confidences between Northern and
Southern merchants, that, for years previous to the war,
the former had been in the habit of selling the latter
goods on a whole year's credit. This was necessitated,
in part, from the fact that planters had got behind in their
finances, and were compelled to pledge their next year's
crops for their present year's supplies ; but it was owing
much more to the fact that confidence, very great confi
dence, had become established between the Northern and
the Southern merchant. This confidence, and consequent
long credit, resulted in the fact that, when the war actually
commenced, the merchants and planters of the South
owed the merchants and cotton factors of the North the
enormous sum of two hundred millions of dollars.

Some part of this debt would probably have been paid
had the Southern merchant and planter been left to his
own free choice ; but the governmental and military au
thorities of the South, with a view to cripple the North
and strengthen themselves, had a law passed so early in

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 24!

the contest as May 2 1st, 1861, prohibiting all debtors
owing money to Northern creditors from paying them,
and requiring the payment of the amount into the Con
federate treasury, either in specie or treasury notes, for
which they were to receive a certificate of the payment
bearing interest and redeemable at the close of the war.
How much of the sum due the North was ever paid into
the Confederate treasury is not known, but probably a
very small proportion of the whole amount. The Govern
ment having virtually repudiated the claim towards the
one to whom the debt was actually due, it was not unnat
ural that the merchant should repudiate it towards the
Government, and when asked the question how much he
owed the merchants of New York, Philadelphia, or Bos
ton, his answer was, " Nothing at all ;" nor was the cred
itor or any one else present to dispute his answer. In
this way at least one hundred and ninety of the two hun
dred millions due the North escaped payment altogether,
while even the ten millions which we suppose to have
been paid into the Confederate treasury were absorbed
by English capitalists and others like the mist of a sum
mer morning.

Among the Southern merchants who owed consider
able amounts to merchants and manufacturers of the
North were those of Alexandria. What may have been
the gross amount of their indebtedness to the North is
not definitely known, but certainly tens, if not hundreds,
of thousands of dollars.

Soon after the provost-court had been established in
Alexandria, manufacturers and merchants began to come
there to look after debts due them from the merchants
of that city. Such as had not fled made such response
as they could — paying in money if they had it and de
sired to continue in business, or returning to their cred
itors so much of their remaining stock as would satisfy

ai Q

242 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

their claims. Only in one instance, where the debtor
remained in Alexandria, was the creditor obliged to call
upon the Provost-Judge for assistance. In that case the
debtor pleaded, as an excuse for non-payment, the act of
the Confederate Congress of May 2 1st, heretofore spoken
of. He wanted, he said, to pay — " of course he wanted
to pay ; but, being a Southern man, and with that act
staring him in the face, he did not see how he could."
The creditor called upon Judge Freese and acquainted
him with the facts as above stated. The Judge sent for
the debtor to meet the creditor at his private office. He
there told the debtor that " the excuse he offered for non
payment was no excuse at all — indeed, worse ; for, besides
being a mere subterfuge, it was a virtual acknowledgment
of his own disloyalty ; that it mattered not at all what
laws the Confederate Congress had passed or might pass,
they could not be recognized by the citizens of Alexan
dria so long as it remained in possession of the Union
troops, and that was likely to be so long as the war con
tinued ; and that if he had the means to pay his creditor,
the sooner he did it the better ! " Within an hour the debt
was paid, and it was the last of that kind of cases in
which the Judge had to interfere, as within twenty-four
hours the facts of this case were known to every merchant
of Alexandria.

But there was another class of cases which came thick
and fast, and for awhile gave the court a vast amount of
trouble. To relate the origin, the incidents, and the re
sults of a few of these will be the object of this chapter.
The first was as follows :

Mr. S. was an old resident of Alexandria, and for
several years before the war had been keeping an agri
cultural and hardware store in that city. He was regarded
by his neighbors as a highly honorable merchant, andv
being a man of considerable means, had always met his

A NEW -WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 243

payments promptly. He was a Virginian by birth, and
when the contest began between the North and the South,
promptly took sides with the South. Indeed, he had ad
vocated secession so strongly and so loudly that he feared
he would be arrested for disloyalty if he remained in
Alexandria, so, when the Union troops were about coming
in and the Confederate troops about going out, he retired
with them. He did this, however, so unexpectedly, and
in so much of a hurry, that he had no time to make a
formal sale and transfer of his stock of goods to any one ;
but, on the morning that he left, he handed the key of
his store to a neighbor and told him to look after his
affairs until he returned, or until he could make some
other arrangement. The neighbor did as requested, kept
the store open, sold whatever he could for ready cash,
and transmitted the money to Mr. S. whenever he had op
portunity.

Thus matters were going on when a Philadelphia mer
chant, to whom Mr. S. was indebted, went to Alexandria
to look after his claim. He had written several letters,
addressed to Mr. S., Alexandria, Va., but could get no
reply, and began to suspect that he might have left the
city, though he had no positive information to that effect
until he reached there. He inquired of the man whom
he found in the store of the whereabouts of Mr. S., and
was told that he had left, on the coming in of the Union
troops ; but where he had gone, or exactly where he then
was, the man in the store pretended not to know. The
Philadelphian said he had a claim, past due, of several
hundred dollars, against Mr. S., and would like to have it
settled in some way. The agent replied that he had not
been authorized by Mr. S. to pay any debts, and, besides
that, the Confederate Congress had passed a law requiring
all men who owed debts to Northern merchants to pay
the amount into the Confederate treasury, and it was

244 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

possible that Mr. S. might have already paid off the
claim by paying it into the Southern treasury.

The Philadelphian replied that he did not recognize any
such payment as cancelling his claim ; and, as he ob
served some of the very goods he had sold Mr. S. then
in the store-room, he thought the agent ought to be will
ing to return him those goods, which he would take in
payment at cost price, and then to pay him the balance
in money. The agent said he could not, for one moment,
entertain any such proposition. That, the goods having
been placed in his care by Mr. S. when he left, he re
garded himself as the owner of them, and could not think
of returning any part of them to Mr. S.'s creditors, nor
of disposing of them in any other way, except for cash
in hand. The Philadelphian tried to convince the agent
of the justice and reasonableness of the proposition he
had made, and finally offered to accept of goods, at cost
price, for the whole of his claim ; but the longer he
reasoned, the more obstinate grew the agent, until at last
the agent said he could not, and would not, do anything
about it; that the debt was not his own anyhow; that it
possibly had been paid into the Confederate treasury, and,
if so, was legally paid ; and that it was only a waste of
time and breath to talk to him any more about it.

The Philadelphian, having read something in the news
papers about Judge Freese's " Bayonet Court," concluded
to seek the Judge and see if there was not some way by
which his claim might be enforced. Going to his office,
he told the Judge the whole case, and begged that he
would aid him in some way to secure his claim.

The Judge replied that the provost-court had been
established only with a view of preserving the peace of
the city, and the personal and property rights of indi
viduals, and not with any view whatever of collecting
claims; that if its jurisdiction was enlarged to include

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 245

civil as well as criminal cases, the business might prove
larger than any one court could do, and thereby defeat
wholly, or in part, its original intention ; that whatever
he could do by moral suasion to ihduce Mr. S.'s agent to
pay his claim, he would most cheerfully do, but as to
opening the court for the hearing and adjudication of
such cases, it was more than he could at present consent
to do. He would, he added, send for Mr. S.'s agent and
see what, if anything, could be done. He accordingly
sent an orderly to request the agent to come to the head
quarters immediately.

When the agent made his appearance, the Judge told
him why he had been sent for, and strongly urged him to
make some equitable arrangement whereby to settle the
claim of the Philadelphia merchant. The agent made
about the same reply to the Judge that he had made to
the Philadelphian, to all of which the Judge listened at
tentively without uttering a word. When he had entirely
finished, the Judge said he would like to ask him a few
questions to which he would like direct answers. To
this the agent assented.

" First, then," said the Judge, " did Mr. S., before leav
ing, execute to you a bill of sale, or any other paper, by
which to make the goods yours ? "

" No," replied the agent, " he did not ; but when about
to leave he handed me the key of his store, and told me
to take care of the goods until his return, or until he
might make some other arrangement."

"Then," said the Judge, "the goods are no more
legally yours than they are mine, and you are simply act
ing as guard over them. Have you not been selling
some of the goods ? "

" Yes," replied the agent ; " I understood the care to
include the right to sell, and have accordingly sold of the
goods whenever I had opportunity."

21*

246 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

" What have you done with the money received from
sales ? " said the Judge.

The agent became confused, hesitated, stammered, and
finally got out that he had "sent some of it to Mr. S., and
still had some of it."

"And it is your intention, I suppose." said the Judge,
" to send it all to him so soon as you shall have sold all
the goods ? "

" Certainly, certainly," said the agent ; " it would all
belong to him."

" Then you think that no part of it would belong to
his creditors; but that all should go to him?" said the
Judge.

" Well, yes, about so," said the agent ; " for if he has
paid his debts once into the Confederate treasury, as I
suppose he has or will, it would seem unreasonable that
he should pay them again to such Northern merchants
as he may happen to owe."

"Are you not aware," said the Judge, "that any law
passed by the Confederate Congress is a nullity in Alex
andria, and can have no possible effect on the question of
contracts?"

" Well, yes, no, yes ; but Alexandria, you know, is in
Virginia, and Mr. S., you know, is at Richmond."

"Ah! at Richmond, is he? Only a little while ago
you told this creditor that you did not know where he
was, and I understood you to say the same in your story
to me, and now, all at once, when you seek to screen him
from justice and from Northern laws, you recollect that
he is at Richmond. Very well, sir, then to the Richmond
authorities he must look for protection, while this North
ern merchant has no protection save through our pro
vost-court, and though I told him, previous to your com
ing here, that the court could not take up such cases, yet
now that I have heard your story, and see that by allow-

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS.

ing you to retain and sell the goods will virtually be to
give ' aid and comfort to the enemy,' while to interfere in
behalf of this merchant will be to weaken the enemy, by
cutting off some of his resources, besides doing an act of
simple justice — in view, I say, of all these facts, I am
now resolved to take up this case, and the first step in
the case will be for the .court to take possession of the
store-room and all of its contents until the case can be
heard and adjudicated. You will at once hand the key
of the store-room, after closing it carefully, to the Provost-
Marshal. He will place a guard over the premises to see
that nothing is taken away or disturbed until the case is
heard and decided, and to-morrow morning, at ten
o'clock, you will be at the court with any books,
papers, or witnesses you may have, when the case will
be heard."

Had a bombshell fallen and burst at the feet of the
agent, he could not have been more surprised. For some
moments he seemed so dumbfounded that he could not,
or did not, utter a word. Then, slowly arising to his feet,
he was about to leave, when the Judge told him to again
be seated, to await the coming of the Provost-Marshal,
for whom he had sent.

When the Marshal made his appearance, the Judge
directed him to accompany the agent to the store-room,
to see that every window and every door was securely
closed and fastened, to then place a guard both at the
front and at the rear of the premises, and to see that they
were regularly relieved and replaced, the same as other
guards of the city, until further orders from the court,
and meanwhile to retain the key of the store-room in his
own possession, and see that nothing whatever was re
moved from the premises.

The agent then left with the Marshal, and all was done
precisely as directed. That the Philadelphia merchant

248 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

was pleased with the turn things had taken need hardly
be added.

Next day, at ten o'clock, the Philadelphia merchant, the
sgent, and about a dozen friends of the agent, including
*he secession lawyer heretofore spoken of, appeared at the
court-room. When all the police cases had been disposed
of, the court said it was now ready to hear the civil case,
in which, upon the court record, Mr. G., of Philadelphia,
was named as plaintiff, and Mr. T., of Alexandria, as agent
for Mr. S., was named as defendant.

Mr. G. arose, and said that he had no attorney to rep
resent him in this case, and that he was himself wholly
unacquainted with court proceedings, and did not know
even how to take the first step. He begged to inquire
of the court what was needed to be done upon his part?

The Judge replied that the first thing required of him
was to prove his claim against Mr. S., beyond any rea
sonable doubt. To do this he must produce his original
books of entry, and prove by the one who sold the goods,
or by some one who knows of their delivery, that the
goods charged in the original entry were actually sold
and delivered to Mr S., and then you or some one else
must, under oath or affirmation, satisfy the court that
they have never been paid for.

Mr. G. replied that all this could be done if a few days'
time could be given him; that he had not brought his
account-books with him, nor was the clerk who sold the
goods present. He could himself at once make affidavit
as to the correctness of the account, and to the fact that
it had never been paid, but beyond this he could not go
until he could send to Philadelphia for his books and
clerk ; that he could have his books and clerk present
if the court would adjourn the case for two days.

The court said that, under the circumstances, it would
be entirely proper to grant the adjournment asked for by

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 249

the plaintiff; but, to justify the Marshal in longer retain
ing the goods, the court would require Mr. G. to make a
written state-of-demand against Mr. S., setting forth the
nature and amount of his claim, and the fact that the
claim had never been paid in any way, and was now
justly due and owing to him. To this he must set his
name, and then make affidavit that the statement is true.
Upon this, as prima facie evidence of the claim, the court
will direct the Marshal to continue possession of the
goods until the case can be heard. The court asked the
defendant if he had any objection to an adjournment, or
to the course of procedure proposed, to which he an
swered that he had not ; whereupon the court adjourned
the case for two days.

Two days after, the parties again appeared before the
court. The plaintiff now produced his original books of
entry, and both he and his clerk swore that they were
such. The clerk swore that he had sold to, and for
warded to, Mr. S. every article charged upon the books.
Mr. G. swore that he had seen many of the articles in Mr.
S.'s store-room on the day he first arrived in Alexandria ;
that the account was due and overdue ; and that no part
thereof had been paid.

Mr. T. was then called upon by the court to make any
defence he thought proper. He replied that he had no
defence to make, further than the Judge already knew,
that every fact and every argument within his reach had
been stated and made at the interview had at the head
quarters. He added, that the attorney which Mr. S. had
been in the habit of employing before he left Alexandria
was in the court-room, and that he had tried to induce
him to take charge of and conduct the case, but this he
had declined to do, as he was not prepared to take the
oath of allegiance to the United States government, re
quired by the court from all attorneys who would prac-

25O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

tise in it. He had not had opportunity to confer with
Mr. S., by letter or otherwise, since these proceedings
commenced, nor did he know that he should have for a
long time to come, else he might ask for an adjournment
of the case until he could hear from him. Under all the
circumstances he saw no other way than to submit to the
judgment of the court, whatever it might be.

All parties having rested, Judge Freese said he " would
have much preferred not to take up this class of cases,
but under all the circumstances it was a responsibility he
could not avoid. The plaintiff came to this city seeking
his debtor and the recovery of a just claim. Upon in
quiry he learns that his debtor has fled and is now within
the enemy's lines, yea, even under the very wings and
protection of the authorities at Richmond. He cannot
pursue him thither, nor can he issue, or have issued, any
process by which to compel his return. The goods he
sold him, however, with a large amount of other goods,
he finds in Alexandria, in possession of a man who claims
to be Mr. S.'s agent for the care and sale of his goods, but
not his agent for the payment of his debts. Indeed, this
so-called agent — who, in a legal sense, is no agent at all,
and has no more claim upon the goods than any other
gentleman in this court-room — even goes so far as to say
that 4 Mr. S. may not owe this plaintiff anything now,
however justly he may have owed him a few months ago,
for the reason that the Confederate Congress has since
then passed a law sequestrating all debts due from the
South to the North ; ' in reply to which the court told
him, and may now repeat for the benefit of this whole
community, that it matters not what laws may or may
not be passed by the Confederate Congress, they can in
no way affect the people of this city so long as it remains
in charge of Union troops, and that is likely to be so long
as the war continues. Had there been any other tribunal

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 25!

in this city to which this class of cases could have been
referred, this court would not have taken them up ; but,
since the State ar\d county courts of Alexandria had vir
tually run away when the people ran away, the simple
question to decide was, whether this court should take up
this class of cases, in addition to such as it had already
taken up, or allow Mr. G.t and others like him, to be
without any remedy whatever ? Viewed from this stand
point, it became a duty, a responsibility, and one which
the court could not avoid, without inflicting great injury
upon others and consequent blame upon itself.

" With regard to the facts in the present case there is
not a shadow of doubt in the mind of the court, nor is it
at all probable that Mr. S. would deny any one of them,
if here himself. He unquestionably owes this debt to
Mr. G. ; the goods in the store-room which he lately
occupied unquestionably belong to Mr. S. ; Mr. T. has
no claim upon them whatever, not even the claim of an
agent or clerk, in a legal sense; he has assumed authority
so far as it suited his own convenience, but declines to
assume it when it does not suit his convenience or his
secession notions ; to sell the goods, pocket the money,
and transmit all or part of it to Richmond was, to his
mind, all right — to pay Mr. S.'s creditors with the money,
or with a portion of the goods, was, to his mind, all
wrong. In all this the court differs with him entirely,
and holds that so much of the goods as have not been
paid for belong to his creditors rather than to him, and
that the agent, so soon as he became satisfied of the cor
rectness of the claim, should not have hesitated a moment
about returning to Mr. G. so much of his goods as re
mained in store, and paid him the balance in money or
in other goods. It is a principle of law that a consider
ation of some kind must pass from buyer to seller before
legal possession can be claimed by the buyer. Hence

SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

you see in contracts the words, ' For and in consideration
of one dollar, the receipt of which is hereby acknowl
edged,' etc. ; whereas no dollar, or any other sum, has
passed between the parties, and yet these words or their
equivalent are necessary in order to make the contract
legal. It may be answered that the taking of a note, or
a consent to a charge upon books of regular entry, are
regarded as a ' consideration ' in the mercantile world,
and this may be so; but certainly, if the purchaser after
wards repudiates his note or book account, or if the gov
ernment under which he has placed himself repudiates
the debt for him, then there is not, nor has there been,
any ' consideration/ and the seller, in law as well as in
equity, has a right to the goods.

"Again: in the eye of the law, Mr. S. would be re
garded as an absconded debtor, and had there been a
court of common pleas in this city, Mr. G. could have
had an attachment issued, and the goods of Mr. S. seized
and held by virtue of that attachment. True, Mr. S. has
not left the State — and in most of the States the law re
quires that the party shall have left the State before an
attachment can issue — but, under the present state of
things, Mr. S. has as virtually left the State, or at least
the jurisdiction of a court in Alexandria, as though he
had gone to England. I certainly should have taken
this view of the case had I been presiding in a common
pleas court, and this case been brought before me, and I
doubt not any other judge would have done the same.
In law, as in other things, 'circumstances alter cases/
and it is the duty of a court always to consider circum
stances, and to give such construction to law as will best
promote the ends of justice.

" Nor does this principle at all conflict with another, so
often and so strongly insisted upon by this court, namely,
that abandoned property shall not be taken for private

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 253

gain. Had any party, having no just claim upon Mr S.,
attempted to take for his own use and profit any of the
goods left by Mr. S. in that store-room, this court, if in
formed of the attempt, would have used all its power to
prevent such taking, and, if already taken, the court
would have made the party return the goods to the
place from whence taken. But the case in hand is al
together different. Here the party has a claim, a just
claim, indeed an implied, if not a legal ownership in the
goods which he seeks to take, and, instead of preventing,
it becomes the duty of the court to assist in the transfer.
" But, again, it may be said by some — and is probably
thought, if not said, by this defendant and his secession
friends — that, as this is a military court, it has not, and
should not presume to have, any jurisdiction in civil mat
ters, or matters touching the transfer of property, real or
personal. As heretofore stated, this court surely would
not have assumed any such jurisdiction, had there been
a circuit, district, common pleas, or chancery court in
this city, to which cases of this kind could have been re
ferred ; but, as all present well know, there has been no
such court here since the Confederate troops left, and with
them all the officers of State and county courts. Hence,
as before stated, it was this court or nothing. But there
is a view, and a very strong view, of the case, in which it
would become not only the right, but the duty, of this
court, or of any military court, to interfere in cases of
this kind, namely, where it became known that property,
or the proceeds from sales of property, was being surrep
titiously transferred from the hands of friends to the hands
of enemies. The third section of the third article of the
Constitution of the United States defines treason to be
the ' levying of war against the United States, or in ad
hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort!
Now, if the transfer of goods, or the transfer of money

22

254 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

from the sale of goods, gives to an enemy ' aid and com
fort,' then, surely, it is the business of a military court
to stop it, and the evidence in this case shows this to
have been done. The agent admits that he has sold the
goods for cash in hand whenever he had opportunity,
and that, as he has had opportunity, he has transmitted
the money to Mr. S. ; nor does he, or any other of his
friends, pretend to deny that Mr. S. is an avowed enemy
to the government which this court, in part, represents.

" So suddenly and so unexpectedly has this new class
of cases come upon the court, that no time has been had
to consult with the Attorney-General or other legal gen
tlemen, or even to consult legal authorities with regard to
the matter ; but the court has no doubt that the principles
laid down in every law text-book, including Blackstone,
Kent, Parsons, Greenleaf, Chitty, Cockburn, Stephen, and
others, will fully justify every position thus far taken by
this court, even though there be not a single precedent to
cite. While this court would much prefer to follow than
to make precedents, yet it has no hesitancy in making
them when the circumstances of a case call for, or justify,
such action. At the earliest possible moment the court
will draw up and promulgate a course of proceedings in
cases of this character. Until then the form of proceed
ings and the manner of adjudication will have to depend
altogether upon the facts in each particular case.

" The judgment of the court in this case is, that the
plaintiff choose one man, the defendant another, and the
two, a third, or, if there be any disagreement about the
choice of a third man, that the Provost-Marshal act as
such third man. That the three thus selected constitute
a commission, authorized and directed by this court to
set apart, of the goods left by Mr. S., so much as will pay
in full, at a fair valuation, the claim due from Mr. S. to
Mr. G.; that this commission shall fix the price of every

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 255

article transferred to Mr. G., and, where there is a dis
agreement as to value between the two, the judgment of
the third shall be final ; that the gross amount of goods
to be transferred shall include the amount of Mr. G.'s claim,
the. estimated cost of transportation from this city to Phil
adelphia, and five dollars to each of the commissioners
for the services they will render ; that the commissioners
make a written report to this court so soon as the goods
have been selected and set apart ; but that the goods be
not taken from the store-room, until the report of the
commissioners be approved by this court, and an order
for their shipment obtained. The Provost-Marshal will
see to the execution of this order in all its parts."

The court then adjourned. On the afternoon of the
same day each party chose their man, and the Provost-
Marshal consented to act as the third. Next morning
the three went to the store-room, accompanied by Mr. G.
and Mr. T., and before noon had a sufficient amount of
goods selected and set apart to cover Mr. G.'s claim. In
the afternoon they presented their written report to the
Provost-Judge ; he examined and approved it, and at once
gave an order for the delivery and shipment of the goods.
Next day they were shipped, and probably a better pleased
man never left Alexandria than Mr. G.

The only other case of this character to which we can
give place, occurred between a large wholesale dry-goods
firm of New York and one of the largest retail dry-goods
houses in Alexandria, and differed from the first case only
in the fact that here the store was securely locked up, and
had been ever since the owners left. There was no agent
in this case left to sell or otherwise dispose of the goods,
though it came out, in the course of the evidence, that
the clerk, with whom the keys had been left, had fre
quently been seen to take large packages of goods from

256 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the store, and he acknowledged that he had sent some
across the lines to his former employers.

In this case, as in the one related, the New York mer
chant went to Alexandria to look after his customers, and
found them gone. After considerable inquiry, he found
the clerk who had the keys, but the clerk said he had no
authority from the owners to do anything, and would not
so much as open the store to allow the creditor to look
in. The merchant then called upon Judge Freese and
told him the facts of the case. The Judge informed him
that the court now had a regular course of procedure in
these cases, and if he chose to pursue that course he
could bring his case before the court. The merchant in
quired what was the procedure? The Judge informed
him that the first step was, for the party having a claim
to make an affidavit as to its amount and its correctness
— the same as in cases of attachment in ordinary courts ;
that thereupon the court issued an order, having the
force of an attachment, to the Provost-Marshal, to take
charge of the goods of the defendant until such time as
the case could be heard — usually in one week from the
day the attachment issued ; that the plaintiff must then
produce his original books of entry, or note, or other
evidence of debt, and satisfy the court, beyond any pos
sible doubt, that the debt is due and unpaid; that when
this had been done — the defendant meanwhile, or any one
for him, having, of course, full opportunity to make any
defence within his power, if any he had to make — the
court appoints three wholly disinterested persons to fix
the value and set apart so much of the defendant's goods
as would satisfy the claim of the plaintiff, with cost of
transportation to a market, and costs of proceedings ; that
the three commissioners must then make report, with
schedule of goods set apart, to the court; that the court
carefully examines said report, and if found correct in all

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 257

particulars, then issues an order to Provost- Marshal to de
liver to plaintiff the goods so set apart; upon receipt of
which the plaintiff executes receipt to Provost-Marshal for
the goods, as in full liquidation of his claim against the
defendant. The proceedings, the Judge said, were so
plain that a child could understand them, and so open
and straightforward, from first to last, that a mistake was
scarcely possible.

The merchant expressed his delight at the mode of
procedure, as detailed by the Judge, and said he was ready
to make the preliminary affidavit at once, and in a week
would return to Alexandria with his books and witnesses
to substantiate his claim. The Judge drew the necessary
affidavit ; the merchant subscribed and swore thereto ; the
Provost-Marshal was sent for ; the order for attaching the
goods put into his hands; and within one hour from the
time when the New York merchant entered the Judge's
office, guards stood in front and at the rear of the build
ing, to see that no goods were taken from the store-room.
The young man who had the keys was then sent for, and
told to write to his employers, and inform any friends of
his employers who might still be in Alexandria, of just
what had been done thus far, and that the court had ap
pointed one week from that day to hear the case. If they,
or any one for them, had any defence to make, they
should be at the court-room at ten o'clock of that day
and should then be heard. He thanked the Judge for his
courtesy in sending for him, and for the timely notice
given for defence, and was about to retire, when the Judge
told him that he might hand the keys over to the Provost-
Marshal until the case had been disposed of. This he at
first refused to do, but a few words from the Judge satis
fied him that wisdom was the better part of valor, when
he took the keys from his pocket and handed them to
the Marshal.

22* R

SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

In one week the trial came on. The New York mer
chant, on behalf of his firm, appeared with his books and
with the clerk who had sold and delivered the goods.
The defendants were not present, but were represented
by their clerk, by the secession lawyer of the city, here
tofore spoken of, and by about a dozen other gentlemen,
who were friends, if not relatives, of the absconded
debtors. The plaintiff proved that the books before
the court were the original books of entry of the firm of
which he was a member. By his clerk he proved the
sale and delivery of the goods, item by item, as charged
upon the books. By himself he proved that the debt was
now due, and that no part of it had ever been paid. The
court then asked if there was any person present to make
a defence in this case, if so, they would now be heard.
The clerk then arose and said he "was instructed by
the attorney of the firm to say, that while they had no
formal defence to make in this case, yet they desired to
enter their protest against the jurisdiction of this court,
and to reserve to and for themselves whatever rights they
might have under the laws of Virginia." He added,
that he himself " was aware that the firm, of which he
was formerly a clerk, had purchased goods of the New
York firm represented in this case, and had no doubt that
the amount they claimed was due them ; but that it would
have been wiser and more honorable in them to have
waited until the war was over, when they would un
doubtedly have been paid dollar for dollar." The court
inquired if there was any other gentleman present who
desired to offer any evidence, or say anything by way of
defence in this case. There was no response.

The court then proceeded to give an opinion in the
case, which occupied nearly an hour, and was listened to
with almost breathless silence by the large audience pres
ent. In amount claimed, and in point of high standing,

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS.

both as to the plaintiffs and defendants, it was the most
important case of the kind yet brought before the court,
and for the information of the general public, no less than
for the parties immediately interested, the Judge thought
it well to state the principles upon which the court acted,
and their applicability to the case in hand. A reporter
present wrote out the opinion, which, by request of the
New York merchant, was published soon after in the
New York Times, occupying over two columns of closely
printed matter. As most of the principles enunciated in
this opinion were the same as stated in the first case
heretofore given, it is not necessary to repeat them here.
In reply to the clerk's request " to reserve to and for
themselves whatever rights they might have under the
laws of Virginia," and to the opinion expressed by him
that " the New York firm would have acted wiser and
more honorable to have waited for their claim until the
war was over," the court said :

" Of course, in this, as in every other case, the parties
can and do reserve for themselves whatever rights they
possess under the laws of Virginia, of which this city
forms a part, and, if the rebellion succeeds, the parties
reserving these rights will undoubtedly make the best
use of them possible ; but meanwhile the claimants, so
far as this court can effect it, shall have a return of their
own goods, or of others equal in value to their claim,
and after that, if the debtors, through sequestration laws
made by the Confederate Congress, or any laws now
made or hereafter to be made by Virginia, can get the
goods back or damages by way of reclamation, this court
at least will have done its duty. With regard to the
opinion expressed by the young gentleman, the court
begs to differ with him. By his own confession por
tions of the goods have already been sent across the
lines, and to that extent have contributed to the 'aid

26O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

and comfort' of the enemies of this government, and had
there been no claimants, no interference, there is no man
ner of doubt that every article in the store would, sooner
or later, have gone the same way ; and as to the debtors
paying the claim after the war is over, if we may judge
by what they and their chosen government have already
done, there is no more probability of it than for the
waters of Niagara Falls to run backwards. As the leap
of the waters in that case is irrevocable, so is the leap
from the fair haven of loyalty to the deep, dark chasm of
disloyalty — once taken, there can be no hope of return."

One other matter the court explained in this case, which
was not explained in the first, namely, why the goods
were not sold at public sale, and the money, instead of the
goods, turned over to claimants. He said : " It will be
observed that by the rules of procedure adopted in these
cases, the court is quite as careful to protect the interests
of debtors as of claimants. In ordinary actions for debt,
in courts of common pleas, the goods, after being attached
or levied upon, are put up at public sale and sold to the
highest bidder, and the money received at such sales paid
to claimants. In such cases it often happens that, even
in a market, goods do not bring one-half and sometimes
not one-fourth their real value, and the defendant of
course has to suffer the loss. If the goods seized here
were thus exposed to public sale, at this time, when two-
thirds of its ordinary inhabitants have fled from the city,
and when there is little or no market for anything outside
of army stores, they would not bring one-fourth their
cost; whereas the same goods taken to a market, will
sell for about their original cost. Hence the rule in the
proceedings whereby goods are assessed by three disin
terested persons, and turned over to the claimants at the
prices fixed by the commissioners. And the court begs
to add — though not boastfully, since it only performs a

A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. 26l

duty in so doing — that, because of the absence of the
defendants, doubly the care is taken that the full market
value is fixed to each article turned over to the creditor ;
and that in every case the court carefully supervises the
schedules, to see that no mistakes have been made.

" If the goods were sold at a public sale, the court
could in no way control the price, and a debtor's goods
might be sold for one-half or one-fourth of their real
value; but by this procedure the debtor is sure to receive
about the fair value of the goods. The fact that the
debtor is absent (although a rebel to the government
which this court in part represents) makes us all the
more careful to see that he shall have exact justice ; for,
in all these cases, this court recognizes the principles so
ably stated by Bouvier, by Blackburn, and by others who
have written on the law of sales — I. That 'to constitute a
sale, there must be a price, which is the consideration
given for the purchase of a thing.' 2. That 'the price must
be serious, or such a one as the seller intends to require
to be paid to him. As to the quantum of the price, that
is altogether immaterial, unless there has been fraud in
the transaction.' 3. That ' the price must be certain and
determined, but upon the maxim id cerium est quod reddi
cerium potest, a sale may be valid, although it is agreed that
the price of the thing sold shall be determined by a third
person' 4. That 'the price must consist in a sum of
money which the buyer agrees to pay to the seller; for,
if it be paid in any other way, the contract is not a sale,
but an exchange or barter. But it is only requisite that
the agreement should be for a payment in money ; in the
sequel it may be changed, and the creditor may take goods
in payment, and the contract will still be a sale. It is not
requisite that the money should be paid down, either at
the time of the sale or the delivery of the goods ; it may
be upon a credit ', or payable at a future time.' And, 5. That

262 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

'the consent of the contracting parties must be obtained;
by which consent is meant an agreement to something
proposed. It does not consist simply in a vague will to
sell or to pay ; it must bear on all the conditions which
may be suggested by the circumstances of the case, or
imagined by the caprice of the contracting parties.' "

In this case, as in others, the court fixed upon the
amount due the claimants, appointed three commissioners
to select and assess values to goods to the amount of
claim, supervised the report and schedule made, gave
order to the Provost-Marshal to deliver the goods; all
of which was done, and the New York merchant
returned to his home, with the full conviction that in
one city at least, and in one court at least, justice was
administered without partiality, and without fear or favor
of, or to, any one.

Not only was the Judge's decision in this case pub
lished, as heretofore stated, in the New York journals,
but the newspapers all over the country had more or less
to say about it editorially — some favorable and some un
favorable — the particulars of which and the results of
which will be more fully stated in the next chapter.

264

CHAPTER XVI.

LEGAL TECHNICALITIES IN CONFLICT WITH COMMON

SENSE.

ANOTHER ACT IN THE DRAMA — PRIDE ON THE ONE SIDE
AND JUSTICE ON THE OTHER PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

is nothing so uncommon as common sense ;
nor is there anything more distasteful than common
sense to such as pride themselves on technical knowledge.
The doctor who would rather kill by rule than cure by
reason, if the reason chanced to come from a sick-nurse,
or from an old woman ; and the lawyer who would rather
lose a case by observing technicalities and following prec
edents, than gain it by exercising plain common sense,
are by no means so rare as some suppose. They are to
be found in all the walks of life, high as well as low, and
whenever or wherever found, should be carefully noted,
especially by the historian, in order to warn others from
falling into a like error.

From the very day the provost-court opened in Alex
andria, the secessionists of that city, and all whom they
could influence in Washington and elsewhere, commenced
to oppose it — not so much openly as secretly. This was
especially true of the only lawyer remaining there, and
his reasons for opposition were of a threefold character.
First, he saw it might, and probably would, be used in the
interests of the Union cause and in the cause of freedom,
and thus interfere with the plans of secessionists and of
slave-owners ; secondly, he opposed it because the court
refused to admit him, or any other lawyer, to practise in
23 265

266 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

it, unless they would first take the oath of allegiance to
the United States government ; and thirdly, because the
court was presided over by one who was not a professional
lawyer ; by one who seemed to have more regard for jus
tice and equity than for legal technicalities ; by one who
cared nothing about the laws of Virginia, or law prece
dents of any State, if one or the other stood in the way
of justice ; by one who preferred to be guided by the rules
of common sense, rather than by the rules of law. To
one who is not a professional man himself, all this may
seem strange; but to one who has mingled much with
professional men, it will be readily understood as com
prehending cases which have fallen under his own obser
vation. On the pretence of protecting the people, though
really to protect their own selfish interests, both doctors
and lawyers have procured the passage of laws in many
States, whereby no one is authorized to practise in either
profession until he shall have complied with such rules
and regulations as these laws prescribe. It is virtually a
relinquishment by the people of one of the very first
principles of freedom — namely, the right to choose their
own agents or servants, but it is submitted to on the plea
that it keeps out quacks and pettifoggers. If, while keep
ing these out, it imparted more of common sense to those
taken in, it would be at least compensating in its opera
tions, but it does neither.

It was observed that immediately after the court fined
that secessionist five hundred dollars for assault and threat
to kill the Unionist (an account of which has heretofore
been given), the Alexandria lawyer became doubly active
in his opposition to the court, and it was stated, as a reason
for his greatly increased activity, that the hardware mer
chant had agreed to give the five hundred dollars as a fee
to the lawyer, provided he could get it back, and procure
an order from General McClellan, or from the authorities

TECHNICALITIES VS. COMMON SENSE. 267

at Washington, to suppress the court. To effect this ob
ject the Alexandria lawyer applied to every prominent
secessionist at Washington, and got from each the prom
ise to bring to bear whatever influence he could, through
Northern sympathizers. He went himself, personally, to
every lawyer in Washington, and appealed to each to
protect the " honor of their profession," by assisting to
suppress a court which had no legal existence, or, at least,
to remove from its head one who was not a lawyer, but
a doctor, by profession. Even several Union lawyers
were moved to activity by this plea for " protection to the
profession," while secession lawyers were ready enough
to make this, or anything else, a plea whereby to cripple
the government.

It came to the ears of Judge Freese that some of these
professedly Union, but really disloyal, lawyers had gone
direct to President Lincoln and urged him, both as Presi
dent and as a lawyer, to issue an order to suppress the
Alexandria court, or, at least, direct the removal of the
" doctor-judge." The reply, as reported by one who
chanced to be present, was characteristic of President
Lincoln, and in about the following words : " I have
known Dr. Freese as a first-class physician for some
years, and have only known of him as a judge for a few
months : but from the way he administers law-doses to
these Alexandrians, I am beginning to think that he is
even a better judge than he is a doctor. He may not
understand legal technicalities and the rules of courts
quite as well as some lawyers I know of — present com
pany, of course, always excepted — but he shows in his
decisions a wonderful deal of common sense, which is
far better than rules of law or technicalities. What they
say of the doctor reminds me of a story which is told
of a man who said he could not cure chills and fever, but
was ' death on fits/ and wanted all his patients to have

268 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

fits, when he would cure them at once. Most of our
lawyers and judges are death on technicalities, but can't
cure the commonest ills to which society is subjected ;
whereas, Dr. Freese is curing the ills of Alexandria
so rapidly and so successfully, that it will soon be one
of the most healthy and one of the most thoroughly
Union cities in the whole country. I would not interfere
with him or his court for the world, and don't think any
one else should."

Finding that they could make no impression upon the
President, they next went to the Secretary of War, Simon
Cameron. He listened to all they had to say, and then
replied about as follows : " Yes, I 've heard considerable
about Freese's ' Bayonet Court,' as secessionists and
Northern sympathizers with secession call it, and the
more I Ve heard of it the better I like it. I only wish
we had just such a court, and just such a judge at the
head of it, in every city we Ve conquered from the rebels.
They would do more towards extracting the venom of
these secession serpents than all our armies combined.
As to the Judge being a doctor, instead of a lawyer, by
profession, that only makes me think the more of him.
A lawyer is anybody's man who '11 pay him a fee, and
the one who '11 pay the best is apt to get from him the
best service, no matter on which side he pretends to be
employed, but a doctor has only to cure the case in hand,
and can have no conflicting interests ; and from the way
Judge Freese is pulling out the teeth of those secession
scoundrels, by taking from them the means to do harm
and transferring it to the pockets of those to whom it
justly belongs, and who will use it to sustain the Union
cause, I am satisfied that he is just the man for the place,
and on no account would I do anything to suppress either
him or his court."

Their next applications were to the Attorney-General,

TECHNICALITIES VS. COMMON SENSE. 269

Edward Bates, of Missouri, and Postmaster-General
Montgomery Blair, of Maryland. Here they struck
chords which were much more likely to prove responsive
— not only because they each had been pro-slavery men
all their lives, and would naturally resent Judge Freese's
interference with the " institution," and with those who
still claimed the right to hold and to use " human chat
tels " just as they pleased, but, more especially, because
they were both lawyers, both felt a special interest in
maintaining the "dignity of the profession ;" for both ex
pected to return to active practice so soon as they vacated
their then official positions in Mr. Lincoln's cabinet.
Mr. Bates took up the matter with great earnestness so
soon as it was fairly before him, and, within one hour
from the time the self-constituted committee left him, he
was with the President, urging him to suppress the court.
When Mr. Lincoln had expressed his opinions concerning
it, Mr. Bates, for the time being, seemed entirely non
plussed ; but next day he returned to the attack with re
newed energy, and for days and weeks after that, when
ever he met the President, he had something to say
against the Alexandria provost-court. Mr. Blair also
spoke to the President concerning it, and strongly con
tended that it would greatly aid the Union cause, " es
pecially in the border States," if that court were sup
pressed. The President did not think so, and would give
no such order.

While these efforts were being made with the Presi
dent and with the Cabinet, corresponding efforts were
being made with General McClellan, then in command of
the troops on the south side of the Potomac. Within a
week or two from the opening of the court, one of the
General's aids called upon General Montgomery to make
inquiry about it, and several times after that this same
aid (whom the Union men of Alexandria knew person-
23*

2/O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ally as a pro-slavery Washington sympathizer with the
rebellion, though professedly a Union man) called upon
General Montgomery to protest against the acts of the
court, so far as they related to the people of Alexandria.
Whether always sent by General McClellan, or whether
he sometimes called on his own volition, was not definitely
known. The Alexandria secession lawyer seemed to be
on intimate personal relations with this aid-de-camp, and
it may have been that this personal relationship stirred up
the aid to special efforts. Doubtless the lawyer kept
the aid, and, through the aid, General McClellan, well-
informed of all that was going on in Alexandria — espe
cially with regard to the doings of the provost court.

Thus matters had gone on, and were going on, up to
the time when the last case recorded in the previous
chapter was decided by the court. The publicity given
to that case, by the publication at length of the Judge's
opinion in the New York Times and other Northern
papers, aroused the entire pro-slavery, secession-sympa
thizing element of the Northern States, and in a few
days thereafter it came surging into Washington like a
flood. It beat against the door of every Cabinet officer ;
it rolled and tumbled about in every hotel and drinking-
saloon ; it surged violently against the White House ; and
even found its way into the executive chamber. Mr.
Bates now put on renewed and increased vigor, and in
sisted with the President, that, as all United States courts
belonged to his department, and the people held him re
sponsible, as Attorney-General, for their doings and mis
doings, he, and he alone, ought to have the deciding of
the Alexandria matter, and, if left with him, he would at
once suppress the court.

When things had reached this crisis, the President sent
word to Judge Freese to call upon him at his earliest con
venience. The Judge, after being stationed at Alexandria,

TECHNICALITIES VS. COMMON SENSE. 2/1

had, during the first few months, called frequently upon
President Lincoln, Secretary Seward, and Secretary Cam
eron, as he had known them all personally, and somewhat
intimately, for many years ; but for the month preceding
this word from the President, the Judge had been kept so
exceedingly busy with the affairs of his court that he had
scarcely been to Washington. On the afternoon of the
next day after getting Mr. Lincoln's message, Judge
Freese called upon him, and was received with the utmost
cordiality. So soon as they were entirely alone, the Pres
ident told the Judge of the position which Attorney-Gen
eral Bates had taken with reference to the Alexandria
court, and added : " I really think Bates will resign unless
he can have his own way in this thing. I wish, Doctor,
you would call upon him at once, and see if you can't
change his mind. It would be a dreadful thing, just now,
when we are in the midst of a war, to have any Cabinet
officer resign, as our enemies would regard it as showing
weakness on our part, and as a triumph for themselves,
and yet I don't want your court closed, if it can possibly
be helped. Call upon Bates, Doctor, call upon Bates, and
let me know the result."

From the President's room the Judge went direct to
Mr. Bates's office and had a long conference with him.
The Attorney-General, while admitting the correctness
of Judge Freese's decisions, so far as he had heard of
them, still insisted that there was no law by which the
existence of such a court was authorized, and therefore
it ought to cease its operations at once. The Judge ad
mitted that he knew of no law by which such a court was
authorized, but contended that "necessity knew no law,"
and that the existence of just such a court was a real
necessity in Alexandria, not only as a means of preserving
the peace of the city, but for all other purposes for which
courts were ever used, since the State, county, and munici-

2/2 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

pal courts had all run away when the Union troops came
in, and this was the only court through which justice could
be obtained in any case or for any purpose. All this, the
Attorney-General said, seemed to be true, but it was better
to wait for justice than to violate known rules of law in
trying to obtain it. " The court has no legal existence,
sir, the court has no legal existence," he kept saying
over and over again, and this was his answer, and his
only answer, to every argument brought forth by the
Judge. The Judge finally made him this proposition :
" If you, sir, will withdraw your opposition to the contin
uance of this court, I will enter into a bond with the
United States government, in the sum of one hundred
thousand dollars, with good and sufficient sureties, the
condition of which bond shall be, that, when the war shall
have ended, every case which has been adjudicated by
that court, and every one which may be adjudicated by it
hereafter, shall be revised by the Supreme Court of the
United States, or by any one or more of the justices
thereof, and if in any case it be found that injustice has
been done, I will refund to the parties doubly the amount
out of which they have been wronged because of the
action of the court; or, if any punishment has been
inflicted beyond what the Supreme Court will say was
right, under the circumstances, I will pay to the party
punished, or to his legal representatives, whatever dam
ages the Supreme Court may adjudge."

" This, certainly," replied the Attorney-General, " is a
very fair proposition on your part; but, sir, the court has
no legal existence, no legal existence, and while I remain
Attorney-General, and am responsible for whatever is done
in this department of governmental affairs, I cannot con
sent that such a court shall continue."

This ended their interview, for the Judge plainly saw
that he might talk till doomsday and yet not change the

TECHNICALITIES VS. COMMON SENSE.

Attorney-General's mind an iota. " Convince a man
against his will, and he remains of the same opinion
still," says an old maxim, and never was the maxim
better exemplified than in the case of Mr. Bates. He
was one of those men who looked at everything, as it
were, through a gun-barrel, and could see nothing to the
right or left of the one line of vision ; one of those men
who are so straight, that, like the Indian's gun, they " lean
a little over ; " one of those self opinionated men, who,
having once conceived an idea or prejudice, no amount
of argument can change his mind.

The next day the Judge again called upon the Presi
dent, and told him all that had passed between the
Attorney-General and himself. The President laughed
heartily at the " mulishness of old Bates," as he called it,
and yet seemed a good deal annoyed at the unreasonable
stubbornness manifested by the Attorney-General. He did
not, he said, know what to do or to say. He was in a
quandary, and could not see his way clearly out. Finally,
he asked the Judge to call upon the Secretary of War,
and see what he might say about it.

The Judge then called upon Mr. Cameron, and told him
of the interviews he had had with the President and with
the Attorney-General, relative to the Alexandria court.
The Secretary listened attentively, and, when the Judge had
finished, expressed opinions about the Attorney-General
more forcible than polite. He talked, he said, "just like
a d — d old traitor, and if he is not one, his own tongue
belies him ! " He strongly suspected, he said, that " both
Bates and Blair were wolves in sheep's clothing, and this
only went to confirm that opinion." He had, he said,
" expressed as much to the President, and would do so
again when next he met him." He had thought himself
of resigning, rather than remain in the Cabinet in com
pany " with such d — d rascals and traitors to their coun-

s

2/4 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

try." For a full half-hour the Secretary fairly raved with
excitement, and when the Judge was about to leave, told
him to hold on, let come what would.

In this connection it may be well to add that within a
few weeks after that interview Mr. Cameron did resign his
place in the cabinet, and Mr. E. M. Stanton was appointed
in his stead ; but whether Bates's action in the case of
the Alexandria court was one of his reasons for resigning,
we have no means of knowing, though it is not at all im
probable.

Again the Judge called upon the President, and told
him what had passed between Secretary Cameron and
himself. The President seemed now more confounded
than ever, and finally told the Judge to let things rest for
a few days until he could think over the matter, and see
what was best to be done.

About a week after this, the aid-de-camp of General
McClellan, who had so often before called upon General
Montgomery, called again, and told him that it was Gen
eral McClellan's special wish that the provost-court should
have nothing more to do with civil cases, or cases touch
ing the subject of slavery in any way. That while Gen
eral McClellan greatly preferred not to issue a formal
order on the subject, yet he would certainly do so if
his wishes could not be carried out in any other way.
He was not willing, the aid said, to have Judge Freese
interfere with the old citizens of Alexandria in any
way, though if he chose to continue the court merely
for the punishment of soldiers who got drunk within the
city limits, or otherwise disturbed the peace, he had no
objection. At the same visit, the aid delivered to Gen
eral Montgomery an order from General McClellan re
quiring the court to refund to the Alexandria hardware
merchant the five hundred dollars which he had been
required to pay as -a fine,: because -of the assault, with

TECHNICALITIES VS. COMMON SENSE. 2/5

threat to kill, upon the Union man — all of which has
heretofore been related.

When the aid had gone, General Montgomery sent for
Judge Freese, and they had a long conference as to
what had best be done under the circumstances. The
Judge had before told the General all that had passed
between the President, the Attorney-General, the Sec
retary of War, and himself; and the General now told
the Judge all that had passed between General McClel-
lan's aid-de-camp and himself. The Judge said that under
no circumstances could he consent to continue the court,
if thenceforth it was only to punish soldiers for drunken
ness and other misdemeanors ; that it had been exceed
ingly distasteful to him from the first to have to punish a
soldier at all, and now to punish him alone, and let citi
zens, who committed offences far worse, go free from pun
ishment, would be, in his opinion, a mockery of justice,
and he would not be the presiding officer of such a court ;
that, it having gone abroad that the court was willing and
ready to assist Northern creditors in their efforts to collect
claims against disloyal debtors, it would now be exceed
ingly unpleasant to have to deny such claimants as might
thereafter call, and, rather than have to do this, he would
much prefer to see the court closed ; for then the public
would place the responsibility just where it belonged.
The Judge added, that he knew the court was placing
the President in a very embarrassing position, so far as
related to his Cabinet ; that, while Cameron and Seward
were anxious to have the court continue, Bates and Blair
were just as anxious to have it suppressed ; and from the
order just received from General McClellan to return the
five hundred dollars fine, it was entirely clear that the
secessionists of Alexandria, and the sympathizers with
secession at the North, had gained complete control over

276 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

him ; from all of which the Judge thought it would be
best to close the court.

General Montgomery fully concurred with the Judge in
all these views, and added that, as the court had been
organized upon his order, without first consulting with
General McClellan or the President, he would much pre
fer to have it close voluntarily, than to be compelled to
close it upon the order of General McClellan or of the
President. The Judge replied, that while he believed that
President Lincoln would never issue such an order, no
matter what the consequences to himself might be, still
he should be glad to relieve the President from what to
him was evidently a great embarrassment; and if he,
General Montgomery, would issue an order directing the
court to close its operations on the next or any day fol
lowing, he, the Judge, would gladly announce the order
from the bench and adjourn the court sine die.

Such was the conclusion finally agreed upon. General
Montgomery wrote out the necessary order and handed
it to the Judge. Next day, after all the business before
the court had been disposed of as usual, the Judge read
General Montgomery's order from the bench, and ex
plained to those present why it had been issued. Had a
cannon burst then and there and killed a hundred men,
the surprise could not have been greater. Some raved
at Attorney-General Bates, and pro-slavery men generally ;
others cursed General McClellan and Northern sympa
thizers with rebellion, generally ; deep and somewhat loud
were the mutterings among all present; but the order
was irrevocable, and thus closed at once and forever the
provost-court of Alexandria.

Had that court been continued, and others like it es
tablished in every city of the South, so soon as they came
into the possession of Union troops, at least one hundred
millions of dollars would have been collected from the

TECHNICALITIES VS. COMMON SENSE.

property of Southern debtors and gone into the pockets
of Northern creditors ; the war would have ended two
years sooner; over five hundred millions of dollars would
have been saved to the United States treasury ; and over
one hundred thousand lives been saved to the homes
and families of both the North and the South. Only
at the last judgment-day will it be known how great
was the mistake — a mistake which, in its ultimate con
sequences, was not less ruinous to the South than to the
North — of those who insisted upon, and who finally com
pelled, the closing of the provost-court at Alexandria.

We say this after a full consideration of the whole sub
ject as drawn from the facts heretofore detailed in this
volume, and do not think we shall have to take a single
word of it back. True, very true, as eloquently stated in
a letter from our old friend, J. E. Brush, Esq., of New
York — " Floyd, Thompson, and Cobb, of Buchanan's
Cabinet, had so disarmed and depleted the government
of means, that Lincoln had very slender resources ; and
the gullibility of Northern business men in filling the
orders of Southern men for war material, for months pre
vious to the opening of the war, proves that they meant
business, while the North did not take in the situation at
all;" still we think, but for the secret machinations of
Northern sympathizers — of men on whom, for a time, the
government relied and entirely trusted, including generals
in the field, officers in the navy, and even officers in the
Cabinet — the war would have been ended at least two
years sooner, and hundreds of millions saved to the tax
payers of the country.

We are aware that such a statement at first sight seems
extravagant, if not wild ; but if the reader will carefully
weigh each factor of the problem, and follow out the re
lation which each bears to the other ; and then if he will
suspend judgment until he shall have read the last chapter
24

2/8 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

and last line of this book — so that he shall have all the
facts before him, all the secret springs which were so
adroitly worked, but of which nobody even suspected the
existence, all the villanies of men singly and of men
united in political and religious associations — we have no
doubt at ail but what he will reach the same conclusion
that we have reached in the above paragraph. Facts and
figures never lie when properly placed ; but men are so
disposed to shut their eyes against unpleasant facts, and
so inclined to place figures in such a way as will bring the
result they wish for, that the most palpable truths are often
hid, and kept hid, from the public, until by some accident
or incident the secrets are revealed, as in this volume.

280

CHAPTER XVII.

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES.

WHEN, on the I5th of April, 1861, Abraham Lin
coln, as President of the United States, called for
75,000 men, for three months, to suppress the rebellion,
he did it after repeated consultations with every mem
ber of his Cabinet, both when assembled in council and
privately with each individual member. That Cabinet
was one of the ablest, if not the very ablest, that any
President of the United States ever had about him.
William H. Seward had been Governor of New York,
had long been United States Senator, and understood the
strength and resources of each individual State, and of
the whole Union, as well, probably, as any man then
living. Salmon P. Chase had been Governor of Ohio,
long a United States Senator, was a thorough statistician,
mathematician, and financier, and had made the resources
of both States and nation a long and faithful study.
Simon Cameron had been a statistician and banker nearly
his whole life, had long been a United States Senator,
was a man of unusually strong common sense, and had,
from a political stand-point, made the Southern States
and their peculiar institutions and resources a special
study. Wells and Smith were good, strong, practical-
sensed men ; while Blair and Bates were both Southern
men, were thoroughly conversant with the institutions,
with the leading men, with the wealth, and with the
resources of every Southern State.

One would have thought the combined wisdom of such
24* 281

282 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

a body of men as near perfection, as near certainty in
political prophecy, as it was possible for men to attain,
when judging of the future by inferences drawn from
actual knowledge of the past and present ; and yet, sub
sequent events proved that never were men wider from
the mark than were these men in advising the President
to call out 75,000 men for three months to subdue the
rebellion. Why this great error of calculation and judg
ment?

Those who have carefully read the preceding chapters
of this book will have the answer, in part, but not the
whole answer. Of course, President Lincoln and his
Cabinet thoroughly understood the sympathy which ex
isted between English cotton-spinners and American
cotton-growers, and, in their calculations, made due allow
ance for this feeling. They also understood thoroughly
the sympathy existing between the aristocracy of Eng
land and king cotton of America ; for they well knew
that the aristocracy of England were largely the owners
of those cotton-mills or furnished the capital with which
to run them. For this, then, they also made due allow
ance in all their calculations ; and, with a view to check
mate this influence as far as possible, sent Thurlow Weed
on a secret mission to England. They understood the
business relations of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company
with the Southern States, as well as the relations of other
incorporated companies, and of merchants generally, with
the South. They knew of the debt that was then owing
— nearly two hundred millions of dollars — from Southern
merchants to Northern merchants, and fully compre
hended the sympathy which such community of interests
would naturally create between the parties ; and for all
this made due allowance. They understood, of course,
the love of gain natural to every man, and that merchants,
manufacturers, and others, by the thousands, would be

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES. 283

on the constant lookout to make money out of the war
in any possible way commensurate with their own safety;
and for this made due allowance in their calculations as
to what was to be overcome. And last, but not least,
they well understood the general sympathy which was
felt by the Democratic party of the North for the people
and peculiar institutions of the South, and how ready
some of the leaders of that party would be to aid the
South in any way they could with safety to themselves ;
but they also understood that a very large number of the
followers of the masses — of the bone and sinew of that
party — were patriotic ; while another portion, and a very
large portion, would be ready to hire themselves to do
whatever would pay best, and that if large monthly pay
and large bounties were offered, these men would be as
ready to hire themselves to kill their fellow-men as to
slaughter cattle ; and with these two elements (the patri
otic and the mercenary), they believed the party could be
so far controlled as to prevent it from doing any material
injury to the Union cause.

But while comprehending all these things, and making
due allowance for them all, they did not comprehend nor
make allowance for the deep-seated, desperate, condem-
nable villany that was hid away in the hearts of these
same Democratic leaders, and that would come forth from
its hiding-places whenever and wherever it could do so
with the hope of gain to itself, or with the hope of so
crippling the Union cause that it would finally fail, when
the affairs of the government would again fall into the
hands of the Democratic party.

They did not comprehend, nor was it possible for any
human foresight to have conceived any one of the many
secret devices recorded in the preceding chapters of this
volume, whereby men could and would serve the rebel
lion in the guise of Unionism ; whereby men would, while

284 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

playing the patriot, really be the most desperate rebels at
heart; whereby men could, while receiving pay as gener
als in the Union army, do acts whereby millions of dol
lars were lost to loyal merchants; whereby transpor
tation companies would, through its leading officers, while
receiving large pay from the United States government
for services legitimately rendered, be all the while aiding
the rebellion by furnishing ships and money with which
to exchange cotton for war materials and army supplies ;
whereby, in a word, the DEMOCRATIC party, as a party ;
would so exercise its influence that vice disguised would
seem virtue personified; that the promise of a candidacy
to the office of President would so change the heart and
paralyze the arm of a Union general as to make him
favor the rebel cause by delays, and by transferring
(through the closing of a provost-court) the sinews of
war (millions of dollars) from Union pockets to rebel
coffers ; that steamship companies, while receiving the
protection of Union arms, would be all the while aiding
the rebel cause ; and that men, otherwise regarded as
honorable, high-minded gentlemen, would, because of old
political prejudice and present gain, meet in secret con
claves in New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Wash
ington, and then and there concoct the most desperate
measures in aid of rebellion. These were secrets which
no human eye could penetrate, exigencies against which
no human foresight could provide, and hence it cannot
be said in truth that these men failed in judgment, since
they only failed upon points which were entirely outside
of all human calculation.

But for these things, three months' service of 75,000
men would have been amply sufficient to crush the rebel
lion, and from this we draw our first inference — which no
one can pronounce otherwise than fair — that whatever
time it took beyond three months to crush the rebellion,

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES. 285

whatever men it took beyond 75,000, whatever money it
cost beyond the pay of 75,000 for three months, together
with collateral expenses for the same time, and whatever
lives it cost beyond what would have been the probable
mortality among the 75,000, are chargeable, fairly charge
able, unquestionably chargeable, to the DEMOCRATIC party
as a party. We are careful to say as a party, for we know
many individuals of that party who are as honorable, as
pure, as patriotic as any in the Republican party, and who
only continue their connection with that party (for they
know its past sins and present corruptions quite as well
as we do) either because their fathers were Democrats,
and they do not wish to be regarded as " turn-coats," or
because they think the chances of political preferment
are better in the Democratic than in the Republican
party ; or, as they have sometimes replied to us, half in
jest and half in earnest, " the more corrupt the party is
as a party, the greater necessity is there to have some
good men remain in it, to prevent it from doing greater
injury to the country."

As historian, and as readers searching after truth, our
next inquiry will naturally be — First. How much more
time did it take to subdue the rebellion ? Second. How
many more men did it take ? Third. How much addi
tional did it cost? Fourth. How many additional lives
were sacrificed? All these we regard as properly be
longing to " SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION, NOW
REVEALED FOR THE FIRST TIME," for the reason that no
one heretofore has ever made researches in this particular
direction, and while the facts have existed ever since they
came into being (just as the continent of America existed
long before Columbus discovered it), yet they have never
until now been revealed to the public in the relations and
connections to which they historically belong.

I. Though both North and South had been making

286 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

preparations months before, the actual beginning of open
war may be dated from the firing upon Fort Sumter, on
the 1 2th of April, 1861. The close of the war may be
reckoned from the surrender of General Lee to General
Grant, at Appomattox Court-House, on April 9th, 1865,
though it was months after before all the volunteer troops
were disbanded and had reached their homes. From the
firing on Fort Sumter to the surrender was three years,*
eleven months, and twenty-eight days ; or, to make the
calculation still finer, from the calling out of the seventy-
five thousand troops to Lee's surrender was three years,
eleven months, and twenty- five days. Now, deduct from
this three months, and you have the extra time consumed
in crushing the rebellion, every month, every week, and
every day of which is justly chargeable to the DEMOCRATIC
party.

II. The records of the War Department show that
2,688,523 men were called into the national service from
the beginning to the end of the war. Deduct from this
number 75,000, and you have the additional number called
into service because of the secret machinations and villa-
nies heretofore spoken of., viz, 2,613,523, every man of
whom is chargeable, fairly chargeable, unquestionably
chargeable to the DEMOCRATIC party.

III. At the close of the fiscal year (June 3Oth) for 1861,
the Treasurer reported the debt of the United States to be
$90,867,828. On the 3 ist of March, 1865, the Treasurer
reported the public debt of the United States to be $2,423,-
437,001, showing an increase during the war of $2,332,-
567,173. This increase of debt of the general govern
ment by no means represents the sum-total cost of the
war; for, meanwhile, the people had been paying im
mensely increased taxes every year, and beside this every
State, every county, every large city, and almost every
township of the. North had been issuing bonds with which

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES. 28/

to pay bounties and other war expenses, so that in 1865
the amount of bounties paid by States and local authorities,
so far as returned to the general government, amounted
to $285,941,036. Add this to the government debt and
you have the sum of $2,709,378,037. It is difficult, if not
impossible, for any mind to really comprehend so large a
sum, and the only way to appreciate it is to divide it among
families, or individualize it. In 1860 the United States
census returns show for the eighteen -Northern States
18,855,831. In 1870 the returns show for the same States
24,035,359. There being no census returns for 1865 (as
the United States census is only taken at the close of each
ten years), the only way to approximate the population
then is to divide the increase between 1860 and 1870.
This indicates a population in these eighteen States for
1865 to have been about 21,445,595. Now the average
estimate for each family is five. This would give us
4,289,119 families as existing in these States at that time.
Next, divide the number of families into the number of
dollars of public debt, and you show that upon each family
was saddled, at the close of the war, a debt of $631.68.
Or, to individualize it, divide this sum by five, and you
have the sum of $126.33 as ^e average debt then owing
by every man, woman, and child then residing in the eigh
teen Northern States. Thus, it mattered not how poor a
man was, or how many children he had, a ticket of indebt
edness for the sum of $126.33 was plastered on the fore
head of each. " Oh, well," some one may say, " that was
easy enough for rich men to pay, and of course the poor
never paid it, nor never will, since many of the very poor
never handle as much money as that in all their lives.
Why, to a man with ten children (and the poor, you know,
generally have the most) that would have made a debt of
$1515.96, which of course he could never pay, in addition
to supporting his family." Ah! but, my friend, there is

288 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

just where you are most mistaken ; for it is just that class
of men, together with farmers, who do pay much the larger
proportion of public debts. True, they never pay it, nor
would try to pay it, in dollars and cents to the tax-gath
erer ; but they pay it in the increased price they pay the
merchant for the tea and coffee they drink, for the mus
lins and woollens, and hats and shoes they wear; they
pay it in increased rents and decreased wages ; and the
farmer pays it not only in every article that he purchases,
but in increased taxes and in decreased receipts for what
he raises to sell. And what these fail to pay, the rich have
to pay in increased taxes for State, county, township, or
municipal purposes.

Now let us apply these facts to the solving of the prob
lem (third) — How much additional did it cost ?

This we can only do approximately by stating the
problem thus : If to bring into the field 2,688,523 men for
forty-seven months cost $2,709,378,037, how much would
it have cost to bring in 75,000 for three months? De
duct this sum, amounting to $4,824,369 from the whole
cost, and we have remaining the sum of $2,704,553,668
as the additional cost of the war because of the secret
machinations and most desperate villanies described in
the previous chapters of this book — every dollar of which,
every penny of which, is justly chargeable to the DEMO
CRATIC party as a party. Or, to make the matter still
plainer, more than three-fourths of all the taxes which
the poor man, or farmer, or rich man has heretofore paid,
or will hereafter pay, whether upon what he eats and
drinks and wears, or upon cash paid tax-collector, is di
rectly chargeable to the DEMOCRATIC party.

IV. How many additional lives were sacrificed ? This,
like the last question, can only be answered approximately,
and by the same process of reasoning.

The reports made to the War Department, during the

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES. 289

war, show the total loss to have been 280,420 men — the
very sight of which figures makes the heart sink in agony
and sicken over the thought, and yet there is no escaping
their terrible reality.

To get at the additional sacrifice, the proposition may
be stated thus : If in a war lasting forty-seven months,
with 2,688,523 men in service (of whom 1,500,000 it is
estimated were in battles), the sacrifice of life amounted
to 280,420 men, what would have been the sacrifice had
the war lasted only three months, with 75,000 men in
service ? The answer to this problem is 499 lives. Now
take this number from the former, and you have as the
additional number 279,921 lives — the loss of which is as
fairly attributable to the DEMOCRATIC party as though it
had by sentence condemned, and by its own power had
executed, every one of these men.

The remains of thousands and tens of thousands who
died in the service never were gathered, but to-day lie in
Southern swamps, scattered over Southern cotton-fields,
or at the bottom of the deep, blue sea, " unknown,
unhonored, and unwept ; " but the remains of other
thousands and tens of thousands have been gathered,
and now lie in National cemeteries at Arlington Heights,
at Gettysburg, at Antietam, at Beverly, and at many other
places throughout the length and breadth of our land.
The above calculations show — and figures never lie when
correctly placed — that if upon ninety-five out of every one
hundred headstones erected to the memory of these de
parted heroes in the National and private cemeteries
of our country, were written the words, DIED BY THE
HANDS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, the record would be
as true as anything now written upon those headstones.

We are fully aware of the terrible character of this in
dictment. We know already how many thousands will
hold up their hands in holy horror and exclaim, Oh, this
25 T

2QO SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

cannot be so ! These are not the words of a historian,
but of a politician, who allows his prejudices to get the
better of his reason ! But hold, my friend, hold, and think
twice before you condemn once. Are they not words of
truth and soberness ? Examine each proposition just as
carefully as you would examine one of Euclid's problems
(for this is just what we have tried to do), and see if it
is possible to reach any other conclusion. Republican
though we certainly are, yet, in examining these ques
tions as a historian, we have tried to divest our mind of
every particle of political prejudice, and though the results
of our researches and calculations are as astounding, as
terrible, as sickening-of-heart to us as they can possibly
be to any one of our readers, yet the figures would show
no other, and we have had to accept them as veritable.

And yet the secret is only half out — the story, as yet,
but half told. The losses of time, of money, and of
lives heretofore spoken of relate only to the North — the
Southern side of the story remains yet to be told; for in
this volume we are writing no less for the information of
Southern than of Northern men, nor would we in this
record do any less justice to the South than to the North.

Jefferson Davis, however wild and mistaken politically,
was never other than a high-minded, chivalrous gentle
man. He was just as honest in his advocacy of slavery
as Paul was in his advocacy of Phariseeism ; and when
Davis went forth to catch, imprison, and, if need be, to
slay the enemies of slavery, he did it as conscientiously
as Paul did, or meant to do, his work, in going to Damas
cus with the commission of a high-priest in his pocket.
Not only so, but President Davis was a man of deep
knowledge, a thorough statistician, a cool calculator, and
one who never took a step without first carefully counting
the cost. He was the farthest possible remove from a
reckless man. When a young man in the United States

I
FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES. 2QI

army and with the troops in Mexico, he never struck a
blow, or made the least move, without first considering
all the chances. In this respect he was almost as careful
and as prudent as his renowned father-in-law, General
Zachary Taylor. As a United States Senator he was re
markable for his caution and foresight, and though he
sometimes took part in sharp debate, his general political
tactics were conservative, watch for chances, investigate
thoroughly, and then strike with effect.

Now, we have it only second- handed from President
Davis's own lips that he would never have thought of a
war with the North — never would have recommended
such a war — never would have engaged in such a war —
" but for encouragement given him, and actual pledges made
him, by leading Democrats of the Northern States" He
had once been Secretary of War ; he had been a United
States Senator for several years preceding the rebellion ;
he thoroughly understood the resources, not only of the
general government, but of each individual State, and
would, as he said, have thought it perfect madness for the
South to have attempted a separate confederation, " but
for the pledges of assistance made him and others by lead
ing Democrats of the Northern States." Of this, as an his
torical fact, there is no more doubt than that there was a
war. Outside of President Davis's own word, the facts
heretofore related in this volume, and a thousand others
which might be adduced, are confirmatory of these state
ments.

Again, the men whom President Davis had about him
as a Cabinet and as outside advisers were generally men
of marked intelligence and large experience, one of whom
(John Tyler) had been President of the United States ;
some had been United States Senators ; others, Congress
men ; others had all their lives been connected with the
army or navy; and scarcely one of all but what thor-

2Q2 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

oughly understood the strength and resources, not only
of the general government, but of each State, North and
South. Is it to be presumed that a single one of these
men would have ever thought of rebellion, or said one
word to encourage it, but for the assurances they had from
leading Northern DEMOCRATS that the party, as a party \
would sustain them in such a movement?

If these facts be admitted, and this inference be con
ceded, does it not follow as an inevitable conclusion that
the DEMOCRATIC PARTY, as a party, is responsible before
God, and should be held responsible before all men, for
the time wasted, the money squandered, and the lives sacri
ficed by the South in their attempt to establish a separate
confederacy ?

We cannot give the exact figures, for the archives of
the Confederate government were mostly destroyed when
the rebels fled and the Union army took possession of
Richmond; but think, reader, think how many weary
days, and weeks, and months, and years of untold suffer
ing that was caused by that mad and murderous attempt;
think of the houses burned, homes desolated, plantations
ruined, by the frenzy and fury of reckless demagogues ;
think of the thousands of affluent families made homeless
and penniless by this mad attempt, and of the thousands
upon thousands who were once comfortable now turned
out as beggars to die, through the efforts of a band of
conspirators; think of the millions upon millions of hard-
earned dollars squandered, worse than squandered, by
this mad attempt ; think of the thousands upon thousands
of wives made widows, children made fatherless, parents
made childless, by this foul treason ; and then think — for
if you are honest with your own conscience, and can fid
yourself of political prejudice, you must think it — that all
this waste of time, all this squandering of money, all this
sacrifice of lives, all this suffering of wives, of children,

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES.

of parents, is unquestionably chargeable to the DEMOCRATIC
PARTY ; and, with this last thought, ask yourself the ques
tion, What should be thought of — what should be the fate
of — a party guilty of such unparalleled wickedness ?

Of course, to this last question there could be but one
answer, and yet the party feebly lives ! Why it lives —
for what purpose it lives — would be the next question
%hich would naturally arise with every searcher after
truth. To these inquiries we will try to give an answer,
not an opinion merely, but an answer founded upon ac
credited history, as have been all the answers heretofore
given.

It is well known to every student of history that, as
far back as 1817, the leading sovereigns and princes of
Europe, in their solemn conclaves and secret treaties with
each other, formed the determination to subvert the liberties
of the United States. Much of what was said and done at
that time leaked out, and was duly communicated by our
ministers and consuls abroad to the general government;
but so conscious was our government of its own strength
in the hearts of the people, that all such threats passed
them by like the idle wind. When, however, the Duke
of Richmond died in Montreal in 1819 — a man whom
everybody knew to be a sagacious and wise statesman,
and whose many high employments had made him in
timate with all the sovereigns and politics of Europe, and
whose deep personal interests at stake gave to his opin
ions immense weight — and when he declared, a short time
before his death, that " The surplus population of Europe,
when not wanted for the armies and navies of their own
land, would be permitted to flock here, and would be
entitled to vote ; and, mingling in the elections without a
knowledge or a love of the laws, or even the language,
of the country, will be tools for demagogues, and create a
disturbing influence, which the government cannot with-
25*

294 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

stand;" and when to this he added, "I have conversed
with many of the princes and sovereigns of Europe, par
ticularly with George III. and Louis XVIII., and they
have unanimously expressed these opinions relative to
the government of the United States, and their determi
nation to subvert if — when, we say, these were published
and became generally known shortly after his death, they
did for a little while create some excitement, and both
government officials and the people had something to say
about these statements ; but such was the confidence felt
in our own strength, that the words of the Duke were
soon forgotten, and were laid away with the " mouldering
past."

Only three years thereafter (in A. D. 1822) the great
powers of Europe held a congress at Vienna, and among
the conclusions then and there reached, and which formed
a part of their treaty stipulations, the two following cannot
but strike Americans with great force :

"ARTICLE I. The high contracting powers being con
vinced that the system of representative governments is
equally as incompatible with monarchical principles, as
the maxim of the sovereignty of the people with the divine
right of kings, ENGAGE MUTUALLY, in the most solemn
manner, to use all their efforts to put an end to the system
of representative governments in Europe, and to prevent
its being introduced into those countries where it is not
known.

"ARTICLE II. As it cannot be doubted that the liberty
of the press is the most powerful means used by the pre
tended supporters of the rights of nations to the detri
ment of those princes, the high contracting powers
PROMISE RECIPROCALLY to adopt all proper means to
suppress it."

The representatives of this government in Europe got
hold of these articles soon after, and duly communicated

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES.

them to the State Department at Washington; and the
newspapers of this country also got hold of them, and
for awhile had considerable to say about them ; but ere
long the excitement of both government and people died
out, and things went on in their usual way. How many
times since then the powers of Europe have met in secret
conclave and reaffirmed what they then said, and adopted
secret measures whereby to carry out these resolves, is
not generally known, for the reason that the excitement
following their first promulgation gave them warning that
whatever they said or did in that direction thereafter
had better be with closed doors, and under the most
sacred pledges of profound secrecy.

The congress at Vienna was held soon after they had
lodged the First Napoleon safely at St. Helena, and when
all the world seemed to be applauding them for the act,
and hence their outspoken boldness in denouncing rep-
resentative forms of government and the liberty of the press.
Indeed, in view of what they had all just witnessed, and
some of them severely felt, it was not at all unnatural
that they should have adopted the two articles quoted ;
and that they should have ever since felt that there was
an irrepressible conflict between the "divine right of kings"
and representative forms of government — between the
absolute rule of kings and the liberty of the press, and
that one or the other must eventually supersede the
other. Hence, with them it became a question of self-
preservation — the very first law of nature — and under
such circumstances it was not at all wonderful that they
resolved just as they did.

They had recently witnessed the final act of a French
drama and tragedy combined — the French Revolution,
and the career of Napoleon as a consequence thereof —
which they regarded as results of a representative form
of government and of the liberty of the press ; but which

296 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

were results rather of irresponsible personal government
and license of the press. They had seen or read of the
assembling of a French parliament that had refused to
register the royal edicts ; they had witnessed or read of
the disputes between the king and parliament, and the
death soon after of Louis XV. ; from thence they had
observed the spread of liberal opinions and the accession
of Louis XVI. to the throne of France ; next, they had
seen or read of the calling together of the States-General,
and how they, soon after assembling, had assumed the
name of the " National Assembly ; " they knew of the
dismissal of Neckar ; the destruction of the Bastile ; the
abolishment of the privileges of the nobles and clergy,
and of the first insult offered to the king and royal
family; of Robespierre's government and the dreadful
disorders accompanying it ; of Lafayette's resignation ;
of the trial and execution of Louis XVI. and of his queen,
Marie Antoinette, and of the Duke of Orleans ; of the
Convention's abjuration of the Catholic religion and sub
stitution of reason in its place ; of the abolition of the
Sabbath ; of the tens of thousands beheaded, or other
wise slaughtered, in Paris ; of how Napoleon Bonaparte
had finally appeared upon the scene, and for a while
seemed to still the troubled waters ; but how he erelong
not only usurped the crown, but commenced war upon
almost every nation of Europe ; how in a hundred battles
fought by him, at Austerlitz and elsewhere, he had been
successful in almost every one ; how he had finally in
vaded Russia and thus defeated himself; how he was
afterwards made to resign and sent in banishment to
Elba; how he had again reappeared in France and re
sumed power; how all the allied powers of Europe then
determined upon his destruction; how he was defeated
at the battle of Waterloo ; how he afterwards surrendered
himself into the hands of the English ; and how, on the

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES.

1 7th of October, 1815, he was landed at St. Helena a pris
oner of war.

All this they knew, and all this they set down as the
natural results of a representative form of government and
the liberty of the press, and hence it was that the first two
articles of the treaty, from which we have heretofore
quoted, were specially aimed against them ; and a solemn
pledge made, each to the other, that they MUST BE DE
STROYED. Of course, no mention was made in that treaty
of the United States ; for to have done so would have
been virtually a declaration of war ; but as it was then
generally believed among the sovereigns and princes of
Europe that the French Revolution of 1789 was a natu
ral outgrowth from the American Revolution of 1776, and
that Lafayette was at the bottom of it all — having imbibed
the ideas from George Washington, John Adams, John
Hancock, and other revolutionists of America, — the in
ference is plain and unmistakable that those two articles
were aimed at the United States, and that the word " Eu
rope " — where it reads they " engage mutually ', in the most
solemn manner, to use all their efforts to put an end to the
system of representative governments in Europe" — was only
meant as a blinder.

But, it may next be asked, allowing all this to be so,
have they been doing anything since that time whereby
to carry out any such intention ?

To this inquiry, we answer yes, and will now proceed
to show, briefly but unmistakably, how they have been
carrying out such intentions ; and this, too, comes legiti
mately under the head of " SECRETS OF THE LATE RE
BELLION, NOW REVEALED FOR THE FIRST TIME," since no
one, to our knowledge, has ever heretofore shown the
close relationship and unity of purpose between these
same European governments and the Democratic party
of the United States ; and how, in the late rebellion (as

298 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

in many instances before that time), they joined hands to
destroy this government, and to break down the liberty of the
press.

The first two political parties in the United States were
known as Federal and Republican. In 1800, John Adams
was the candidate of the Federalists for a second presiden
tial term, and Thomas Jefferson the candidate of the Re
publicans. Jefferson was elected, and took his seat as
President of the United States on the 4th of March,
1801. After a time, these two names gave way to Whig'
and Democratic. These continued until the name Repub
lican took the place of Whig, in 1856-60. In its earlier
days the Democratic party, as a party, was as pure and
patriotic as any party that ever existed in this or any
other country ; but when the question of " Protection to
Home Industry" (of which Henry Clay was the leading
champion in his time) became a prime question in Amer
ican politics; and when, because that this question in
volved the interests of European capitalists and manu
facturers, Augustus Belmont, of New York city (a
European by birth, a Jew, and the agent in this country
of the Rothschilds', the great Jew banking-house of Eu
rope, to whom almost every sovereign in Europe was
indebted for loans), became the Chairman of the National
Democratic Executive Committee — from that moment the
Democratic party, as a party, became as completely in the
interests of European sovereigns, capitalists, and manu
facturers, as though every member of the party, as well
as its head and front, had been born a European. We
are not, of course, attempting to write a history of par
ties. To do so would require a volume of itself, and a
large one at that. We have only made this running sketch
that those not familiar with general history may readily
see and understand the unmistakable historical relationship
which exists, and which has existed for some forty years

FACTS, FIGURES, AND FAIR INFERENCES. 299

past, between the Democratic party, as a party, and Eu
ropean governments, European capitalists, and European
manufacturers.

With this fact in mind, it is easy to understand why
ninety out of every one hundred European emigrants
who come to this country attach themselves to the
Democratic party; easy to understand why the entire
influence of the Roman Catholic Church (which is the
church of nine-tenths of the sovereigns of Europe)
should be thrown in favor of the Democratic party ;
easy to understand why more than ninety-five out of
every one hundred Jews who come to this country
from Europe attach themselves to the Democratic party ;
and easy to understand why, in the late rebellion, the
Democratic party, as a party y cooperated with English
lords, with English capitalists, and with English manu
facturers (as shown in previous chapters of this volume),
in trying to break down this government, and establish
a slavcocracy in its stead — the leaders (not the masses)
well knowing that this would soon give way to a yet more
concentrated form of government in order to hold their
slaves in subjection — either a landed and family aristoc
racy, like that of England, or an absolute monarchy, like
that of Austria, in either of which cases a representative
or republican form of government and the liberty of the
press would have been effectually and forever suppressed.

The answer, then, to the two questions, Why it lives ?
For what purpose it lives? are, to the first, Because of the
additions made to the party from year to year from for
eign emigration ; and to the second the answer is, For
the purpose of playing into the hands of European sover
eigns, European capitalists, and European manufacturers,
with a view to set aside a representative form of govern
ment, and destroy the liberty of the press in this country;
and these answers we give, it will be observed, not from

300 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

a political, but from a historical, stand-point — facts which
cannot be controverted, and deductions from those facts
as natural and as undeniable as that we know arsenic to be
a poison, because it invariably kills when taken in certain
doses. And that the Democratic party, as a party, is as
deadly a poison as arsenic we know to be true, because it
has killed its thousands and tens of thousands, than which
we want no other or better proof than is furnished by the
preceding chapters of this volume.

302

CHAPTER XVIII.

WHY THE SOUTH HAS NOT DENOUNCED THE DEMO
CRATIC PARTY— WHAT KEEPS THE PARTY ALIVE —
WHAT THE FINAL END OF THIS REPUBLIC.

THREE more questions, please, and then I will not
trouble you more. What you have already said
seems to be true, and yet so new and so strange are these
revelations to my ears — stranger than any fiction I ever
read in the works of Sir Walter Scott or others — that had
you not substantiated each proposition with arguments
drawn from antecedent probability, from sign, and from
example, I could scarcely have believed them. But three
queries yet remain in my mind. Allowing all that you
have said to be veritable history, how comes it that the
South has not denounced the Democratic party for its
perfidy in making promises which it never fulfilled?
How comes it that, with such a weight of sin upon it, the
party can still be kept alive ? And, from all your study
of history, what deductions do you draw as to the final
decline and fall — if such a thing is to be — of this Re
public?

Your questions are plain, frank, yet pointed, and I
will endeavor to answer each in as plain and frank a
manner. First, as to the truth of what we have already
said, if the statements and propositions related to any
other than a political subject, there would be no more
doubt of their truthfulness than of any statement or prop
osition made by Gibbon, Macaulay, Bancroft, or any
other historian. But upon the two subjects of politics
and religion, men are generally so set in their opinion

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304 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

that blindness in the one and bigotry in the other seems
to be as natural to the human mind " as for grass to be
green, or skies to be blue, on bright clear days in June."
Nor are such statements ever allowed to go unchallenged,
however true they may be, unless the parties have been
so long dead and buried that no sympathy remains.
What Macaulay says of political parties and of church
influences in his History of England, is just as true as any
other part of his admirable work, and yet the work had
scarcely made its appearance before the most violent
epithets were hurled at him because of these. Had Gib
bon written his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire ten
or even five centuries earlier, it would have received most
bitter denunciation from all who yet sympathized with the
wrongs which Gibbon pointed out, and even so late as the
eighteenth century, when his work was first published, it
did not escape censure. While Bancroft only wrote of
the long, long ago, in his capital History of the United
States, nobody questioned his statements or deductions ;
but as he approached nearer to the present, and had of
necessity to say something of the acts and influence of
political parties and of churches, he awoke the sleeping
demons — blindness and bigotry — and from thenceforth
there was more or less growl whenever a new volume
appeared. I revive and mention these facts now, only to
show you, my friend, that I am not at all surprised at
your inquiries ; nor shall I be surprised if the last six
chapters of this volume, and, because of these, the whole
book, are most violently and bitterly denounced by the
entire Democratic press of this country, and by every
religious and political journal in this country and Europe
whose special province it is to uphold foreign religious
and political influence. With these as introductory re
marks, I will now proceed to answer your inquiries.
I. How comes it that the South has not denounced the

THE SOUTH AND THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 305

Democratic party for its perfidy in making promises which
it never fulfilled ?

We have no sympathy now, and never had, with rebel
lion, as such ; and, while it continued, helped to fight it as
best we could ; but we had then, and have now, a very
deep sympathy with those who were blindly led to their
own destruction by wicked, designing men. To no peo
ple in all of history are the words of our blessed Saviour
more applicable than to the people of the South, when
he said, " Woe unto the world because of offences ! for it must
needs be that offences come ; but woe to that man by whom
the offence cometh!"

We have heretofore spoken of Jefferson Davis, his
Cabinet, and of others with whom he advised, as high-
minded, honorable gentlemen. This character they had
before the war, maintained it during the war, and such as
survived continued to maintain it after the war. After the
war, Mr. Davis had but little to say of the events of the
past. He preferred not to talk of them at all, as he often
said to those who broached the subject, and never would
talk of them except to his most confidential friends. He
desired to live a quiet, peaceful, retired, Christian life, in
the bosom of his little family (and no man ever had a
truer or more faithful helpmeet than Mrs. Davis proved
to be to her husband), nor would he allow himself to talk
of politics at all, as before stated, except to a very few.
From one of these few we have it, as from Mr. Davis's own
lips, that no one felt, nor could feel, more keenly than he
did, the perfidy, the meanness, the baseness which had been
practised upon the South by certain leading Democratic
politicians of the North ; and yet he could not but recol
lect that others, as they had opportunity, had aided him
and their cause to the full extent of their ability, and had
the will to aid them a thousand times more, if they cculd
have done so with safety to themselves, personally and
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306 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

pecuniarily. This last recollection took the keen edge
off the first, and left a sort of dulcamara — a bitter-sweet —
to rest upon his mind.

And, besides this, only a choice of evils was left to
him and his followers. Their own party of Secession
having been destroyed, only the Democratic and Repub
lican parties remained. To side with or go into the
Republican party was out of the question. Such as did,
would be charged with, or suspected of, treachery by both
sides. To denounce and yet expect to get into, or co
operate with, the Democratic party, was out of the ques
tion. No one can regard as a friend one that curses him.
So, you see, they were walled in, as it were, on every
side, and, as a choice of evils, thought it best to go into
the Democratic party — to which most of them had be
longed all their lives, previous to the rebellion — to hold
their peace, and to " wait for the good time coming" which
the voice of certain siren leaders still whispered into
their ears. We say this not in a poetic, but in a historic
sense ; for we know it to be true that, after the close of
the rebellion, prominent leaders of the Democratic party
North said to prominent gentlemen of the South that so
soon as they could get the general government once
again into their own hands, all Southern claims upon the
government, because of the war, should be adjusted, the
same as Northern claims had been ; all bonds issued by
the Confederate government during the war should be
placed upon precisely the same footing as the bonds
issued by the United States government during the same
period; and that slavery should be restored as it was be
fore the war, or those who had owned slaves, or their
legal representatives, should be paid full value for every
slave they had lost. When it was said to them that to
do all this would require several alterations in the United
States Constitution as it now stands, their ready reply

THE SOUTH AND THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 307

was, " Only put the government into our hands, and
we '11 find means to amend the Constitution just as readily
as to make laws, for all needed purposes. Your wrongs
and ours will find a way, or make one'' With such as
surances, made over and over again in the most solemn
manner, how could a Southern man find it in his heart
to denounce the Democratic party, notwithstanding all
the wrongs he had suffered from it ?

Some seventeen years have now passed since the close
of that war. As a matter of history it is well known that
over ninety-five per cent, of those who had taken an
active part in the Confederate cause went into the Demo
cratic party, and since that time have steadily cooperated
with that party. A few, a very few, could not, as they
said, forgive the treachery and the wrongs of the Demo
cratic party towards the South, and these went into the
Republican party — some honestly, no doubt ; others, only
because they thought it would "pay best"

Another answer to your query would be, that in not
denouncing, but by going into, the Democratic party a
very large proportion of Southern men were only return
ing to their first love. In the days of Whiggery several
of the Southern States gave Whig majorities ; but when
that party died, because of its coquetting with slavery,
and the Republican party took its place, the leading prin
ciple of which new party was opposition to slavery, first,
as to its extension, and then as to its continuance, nearly
the whole vote of the South became Democratic. This
was very plainly shown in the vote cast for Franklin
Pierce and Winfield Scott (the last Whig candidate), in
1852, when the former received two hundred and fifty-four
electoral votes and the latter only forty-two. Indeed, it
was this fact, and the great preponderance of Democratic
votes at that election, that gave to the Secessionists of
the South, and their sympathizers, aiders, and abettors of

308 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the North, the encouragement which caused them to inr
augurate a rebellion in 1860. It was this, together with the
fact that out of the thirty-two preceding years — from the
election of Jackson in 1828 to that of Lincoln in 1860 —
the Democrats had held the power twenty-four years and
the Whigs only eight. They had grown to look upon the
Democratic power as invincible, and their European coad
jutors had been made to believe that the time had finally
come when the hated representative form of the United
States government could be changed into a slaveocracy,
then into an aristocracy, and then into a kingly form of
government ; while a censorship could be placed upon the
press so effectual, that from thenceforth it could never do
European sovereignties or the Roman Catholic Church
any harm. Those who only saw the outside of the late
rebellion supposed that it had its incipiency in 1860,
whereas those who knew of its inside workings (as we all
know now), knew that preparations had been going on for
eight years previous, and that both Frankjin Pierce and
James Buchanan, from 1852 to 1860, had only been used
as tools or instruments by which to forward these prepa
rations. The result of the Presidential vote in 1856 only
made those in the secret of the secession movement (both
in this country and in Europe) the more determined to
strike the blow in 1860; for they saw by that vote that,
while their candidate, Buchanan, was elected by a majority
of fifty-two electoral votes (Buchanan one hundred and
seventy-four, Fremont et al. one hundred and twenty-two),
yet the popular vote stood Buchanan 1,838,169, Fremont
et al. 2,215,498, being really against their candidate, on
the popular vote, to the extent of 377,329 votes. This
strange result was owing to the fact that, while all the
Southern States voted for their candidate, and several
Northern States as well, they were all by small majorities ;
whereas such of the Northern States as voted for Fremont

THE SOUTH AND THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 309

and others did so by large majorities. Had they delayed
the strike another four years, it would have been forever
too late.

So soon as the secret commenced to ooze out among
the masses, it caused no little commotion in the Demo
cratic party itself, and when they came to name presiden
tial candidates in 1860, while those in the secret boldly
put forward John C. Breckenridge (who afterwards became
a rebel general in their army), the more timid and doubt
ing named Stephen A. Douglas, while those who were
yet more frightened at the prospect of coming events
named Bell of Tennessee. The Republicans named
Abraham Lincoln. The result showed one hundred and
eighty electoral votes for Lincoln and one hundred and
twenty-three for all the others (again the South voting
solid against the Republican nominee), while the popular
vote showed 1,866,352 for Lincoln, and 2,810,501 for all
the others. The South by that time became so thoroughly
identified with the Democratic party, and the Democratic
party with the South, that, like man and wife, their interests
were thenceforth inseparable, while the groomsman and
bridesmaid (fitly represented by European sovereignty
and the Roman Catholic Church) stood at their sides, or
close behind, tapping them on the back.

And just here let us say, lest we may be misunderstood,
that when we speak of the Catholic Church it is not by
way of disparagement, so far as their religion is concerned,
but only and purely as one of the instruments by which
European sovereigns hope to work the downfall of this
nation, or rather of the representative form of its govern
ment and the liberty of its press. Against the religious
faith and the religious zeal of the Catholics we have not
a word to say, though ourself a Protestant. History, as
well as our own eyes and ears while travelling in Europe,
has proven to us that with every ounce of corruption to

310 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

be found in that Church there is a full pound of virtue,
and, better than this, so far as we know, cannot be said
of any other church organization. We cannot forget, nor
overlook the facts, that while Tetzel was peddling indul
gences and Luther was thundering against them, thousands
of Sisters of Charity (God bless them ! ) were waiting
upon the sick and dying in Paris and elsewhere, and doing
what they could to make life tolerable and death endur
able to thousands and tens of thousands ; that while
scores were being tortured and burned by the Spanish
inquisition, thousands of faithful Catholic missionaries, in
all parts of the world, were enlightening their fellow-men,
easing their burdens of life, and pointing them to a hope
beyond the grave. Nor can we overlook the fact that
other religious bodies have been just as bigoted and just
as intolerant as the Catholics, whenever they have had
the power and opportunity; that John Calvin and his fol
lowers burned Servetus, at Geneva, with just as little com
punction of conscience as the Catholics burned Huss at
Constance; that Luther and his coadjutors granted to
Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, a dispensation for
polygamy, rather than lose his support, while Clement
VII., Pope of Rome, refused a like dispensation to Henry
VIII., King of England; that this same Henry, who was
acknowledged at the time as the head of the Church of
England, divorced two wives and beheaded two others ;
and that even here, in our own New England, when the
Puritans had absolute power, they ordered delicate Quaker
women tied to a cart-tail and whipped upon the bare
back, and others hung, for no other reason than that they
chose to worship God in a different way from themselves.
A somewhat careful study of the rise and progress of all
religions, and of all religious sects, convinces us that
bigotry, intolerance, and persecution are alike common to

THE SOUTH AND THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 311

all whenever they hold absolute power, and that in this re
spect the Catholics are no worse than others.

And yet, while saying all this, no less in justice to our-
self than to them, we must not overlook the fact that
Catholicism is the religion of a large majority of the
sovereigns and princes of Europe ; that absolutism (and
consequent opposition to anything like a representative
form of government, or the liberty of the press) is one of
its cardinal principles of faith and practice ; that, being
so largely supported by European sovereigns, it would
naturally be disposed to aid them in any way within its
power ; and that to aid them in overthrowing our repre
sentative form of government, and our boasted liberty of
the press, would be no violation of their own cherished
principles, but in exact accordance therewith. Hence in
all our calculations as to influence and poiver, without
having the least prejudice against the religion of the
Catholics, we must invariably put them down as in favor
of absolutism, and as only using, in this country, the
name democracy (which means the reverse of absolu
tism) as a cloak to their real sentiments. Of course in
this we only refer to the bishops, priests, and few educated
laymen of the Catholic Church ; for, as to the great mass
of its adherents, they merely follow the dictum of others,
without knowing or caring about the meaning of names,
and would vote under any name, or for anybody, if only
told to do so by their church officials.

It is a matter of public notoriety — indeed of public
record — that, under the name of " Societies for the Propa
gation of the Faith," the sovereigns of Europe, and their
more wealthy subjects, have sent, and are every year
sending, large sums of money to this country. A single
one of these societies at Lyons, France (as published in
their own reports at the time), sent in this way $65,438
in 1839; $163,000 in 1840; $177,000 in 1842; $207,218

312 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

in 1843 ; while correspondingly large sums were doubtless
sent from Spain, Austria, and other European countries
during the same years; and from that time until the
present every year. A portion of this was and is un
doubtedly contributed from the purest of religious motives ;
but by far the larger portion, only with the view to sub
vert our representative form of government and the liberty
of the press. All these are matters of history \ and as such
come legitimately within the province of any historian,
and of any reader, who, aside from religious or political
prejudices, would carefully weigh facts with a view to
arrive at undoubted conclusions.

And thus, my friend (the reader), have we, by reciting
historic facts, and through the processes of deduction and
induction, shown you very plainly " How it comes that
the South has not denounced the Democratic party for
its perfidy in making promises which it never fulfilled;"
and thus, my friend, I have, I think, fully and fairly an
swered your first inquiry.

314

CHAPTER XIX.

II.— HOW COMES IT THAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY,
WITH SUCH A WEIGHT OF SIN UPON IT, CAN STILL BE
KEPT ALIVE?

TO answer this question, we would first direct your
attention to the United States census returns for the
years 1850, '60, '70, and '80. We only go back four de
cades, for from these we can draw correct conclusions
just as well as if we commenced at an earlier date.
These returns show that for the ten years preceding 1850
there arrived in this country from Europe 1,713,251 per
sons; for the ten preceding 1860, 2,598,214; for the ten
preceding 1870, 2,491,209; and for the ten preceding
1880, 2,742,137. Of those that came from Catholic
countries, 95 out of every 100 went into the Democratic
party. Of those that came from Germany and other
Protestant countries, probably about one-half went into
the Democratic party ; for even though they came from
nominally Protestant countries, fully one-half of the emi
grants from those countries are Catholics. Of those who
are Protestants in Europe, but few join the Democratic
party after reaching this country. Estimating that one
out of every five of these emigrants becomes a voter, and
that 85 out of every 100 of these voters joined the Dem
ocratic party, we should have as added to that party
from naturalization alone, for the ten years preceding
1850, 290,753 votes ; for the ten preceding 1860, 431,696
votes; for the ten preceding 1870, 424,505 votes; and
for the ten preceding 1880, 466,164 votes. Meanwhile,
while these immense additions are being made from year

315

3l6 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

to year to the Democratic party from naturalization, it
loses large numbers every year from increased civiliza
tion. The Whig party was, and the Republican party is,
the party of enlightenment ; and as foreigners, and es
pecially their children, become more enlightened as to
the advantages of a republican or representative form of
government — more and more enlightened as to the ad
vantages of a free press — they leave that party and go
into the Republican; or, what is more frequent, their
children, having been educated in our free schools, learn
to love freedom of thought as well as of action, and, on
becoming of age, join the Republican party, and some of
them join Protestant churches. But for this retroactive
process, which is constantly going on, this country long ago
•would have been completely under foreign influence, and
we never should have been permitted to have celebrated
the one hundredth anniversary of American independence.

Now let us take a retrospective view and see what has
been the practical outcome of these two antagonistic
principles. In 1852 the number of Democratic votes cast
for President was 1,601,474; number of Whig votes,
1,542,403; total, 3,143,877; population of the United
States in 1850, 23,191,876. In 1860, number of Repub
lican votes, 1,866,352; Democratic and all others, 2,810,-
501; total, 4,676,853; population that year, 31,443,321.
In 1872, number of Republican votes, 3,597,070; Demo
cratic, 2,834,078; total, 6,431,148; population for 1870,
38,558,371. In 1880, number of Republican votes, 4,450,-
921; Democratic, 4,447,888 ; total, 8,898,809; population
for 1880, 50,155,783.

The immigration for the last few years has been ex
ceedingly large, reaching the enormous figures of 457,257
for 1880, and 669,431 for 1 88 1. Among these were 2,600
Jews from Russia, of whom it is announced there are
10,000 more to come soon, and for whom contract has

SIN OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 317

already been made with the Hamburg line of steamers.
Of these it is safe to calculate that 95 out of every 100
voters will go into the Democratic party.

As showing the effect of the retroactive process here
tofore spoken of, whereby enlightenment turns Catholics
into Protestants and Democrats into Republicans, it may
be stated (as census returns show) that while in 1801
there were in the two Protestant countries of Great Britain
and the United States about 6,000,000 Roman Catholics
to about 15,000,000 Protestants, or about one to two and
a-half, in 1880 there were about 12,000,000 Catholics to
about 74,000,000 Protestants, or about one to six. In
using the word enlightenment in connection with the words
Republican and Protestant, we would by no means have
it inferred that all Democrats and all Catholics are igno
rant. In both are to be found men of the highest intel
ligence and of the most exalted character ; but these form
the exception rather than the rule — the leading few, who
have their own purposes to subserve, rather than the fol
lowing many, with whom party is madness only for the
benefit of the few.

Now, my friend (the reader), you can begin to see, can
you not, why it is that the Democratic party, notwith
standing all its sins, has still been kept alive ? But yet
there is one more item to be added to account for its con
tinued existence : namely, that it is not only supplied
with recruits from Europe, but with money as well. We
have heretofore shown from official sources how many
hundreds of thousands of dollars have been, and are
constantly being sent from Europe to this country to
"propagate" the Catholic faith — which is, indeed, but
another name and another way of propagating the Demo
cratic party — and but for the extreme secrecy of their
movements, we might show just as plainly that other
hundreds of thousands are sent here at every Presiden-

318 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

tial election by European capitalists, European manu
facturers, and European sovereigns, with a view to in
fluence our elections. Bribery at elections being made
a misdemeanor in nearly all the States, movements of
this character have to be conducted with extreme se
crecy ; but that the thing has been done for the past forty
years (ever since the inauguration of the protective system
by Henry Clay), and is still being done, there is not
a shadow of doubt ; nor is there a doubt that this is
another one of the reasons why the Democratic party
is kept alive. A single Hartford convention killed the
Federal party; a single set of pro-slavery resolutions,
adopted by a National convention, killed the Whig party ;
and the part which the Democratic party took in the late
rebellion would have killed it so effectually that no res
urrection could have ever reached it, but for the support
it has had, and still has, from European powers, through
emigration and through the Catholic Church, and with
the once avowed, and now no less steadily held, object
of overthrowing our representative form of government, and
of destroying the liberty of our press. Thus, my friend (the
reader), your second query is answered beyond, as we
think, all possibility of successful contradiction.

320

CHAPTER XX.

III.— FROM ALL YOUR STUDY OF HISTORY, WHAT DE
DUCTIONS DO YOU DRAW AS TO THE FINAL DE
CLINE AND FALL, IF SUCH A THING IS EVER TO
BE, OF THIS REPUBLIC?

TO the casual reader, the relationship that this question
bears to " SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION, NOW RE
VEALED FOR THE FIRST TIME," may seem very obscure,
but to our mind, that sees the end from the beginning,
the relationship seems very close, as our readers will also
see, we think, before we close the answer.

Patrick Henry, in one of his outbursts of eloquence,
said he "knew of no way to judge of the future save by
the past." Taking this as our guide, let us inquire some
what into the history of former republics, and see if we
cannot gather therefrom some probabilities as to the
future of our own, and some light by which to guide our
own footsteps meanwhile. Our plan and limited space
will only permit us to take a bird's-eye view of four —
Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Rome — but even from these
alone we may learn some useful lessons.

The republic of Athens came into existence immedi
ately after the voluntary death of King Codrus, about
1068 years before Christ. Codrus having been made to
believe, through an oracle, that if he sacrificed his own
life, his country would be victorious over the Heraclidae,
with whom they were then engaged in war, disguised
himself as a peasant, and, purposely quarrelling with a
soldier of the hostile army, procured the death he wished.
His sons, Medon and Nileus, disputed the succession to

V 321

322 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the crown ; and the Athenians, taking advantage of this
dispute, determined to set aside the crown altogether,
and thenceforth have a representative or republican
form of government. Hence arose the Athenian Re
public. Though they abolished the title of king, out
of the high regard they had for Codrus, they appointed
his son Medon chief magistrate for life, and even made
the office hereditary, so that for three hundred and
thirty-one years thereafter the chief magistrate con
tinued in that family. They then abolished the perpetual
archonship, and made the tenure of the office ten years.
This term they reduced erelong to one year, and, instead
of one archon or chief magistrate, appointed nine, with
equal authority. Meanwhile their government became
so purely democratic as to become utterly despotic, and
the tyranny of the mob was found to be more oppressive
than the restraints of a single ruler. Then followed the
laws of Draco, which, because of their severity, were said
to have been " written in blood." He made no distinc
tion of offences, but punished all equally with death. He
weakened the authority of the Areopagus, and instituted
a new tribunal, in which judges were given almost unlim
ited power, and virtually made brutes. The severity of
his laws defeated their own object.

Such was the condition of things when the great law
maker, Solon, appeared on the stage, five hundred and
ninety-four years before Christ. The laws which he
framed and gave the Athenians were not, as he said
himself, " the best possible, but the best which the Athe
nians were capable of receiving." To the rich he gave
offices and dignities ; to the poor he gave the right of
suffrage, whereby in the framing of laws, the election of
magistrates, the making of war or peace, the forming of
treaties and alliances, and in all that regarded either re
ligious or civil policy, they should have an equal voice

FINAL DECLINE OF THIS REPUBLIC. 323

with the rich, and, being much the greater in number,
their class could overbalance the other three, though out
of their class could no nomination be made to any office
of honor or profit. A senate of four hundred members
held an intermediate place between office-holders and
the people, and served as a restraint upon both. The
arbitrary power of the judges, as established by Draco,
Solon restrained, and made the court of Areopagus the
chief judicial tribunal, and gave it also a tutorial power
over all the youth of the republic. Instead of having an
egotistical, half-educated state school superintendent to
do such duty (as sometimes found in this country), this
court appointed masters and governors for the youth, and
superintended their education. The Areopagus also in
quired into the life and morals of all who held offices in
the state, and such as could not stand the scrutiny were
not only incapacitated for employ, but declared infamous.
His laws also prohibited all imprisonment for debt, and
contained many other provisions in which legislators
have made no improvement during the nearly two thou
sand five hundred years that have passed since then.

Notwithstanding the good laws of Solon, then, as now,
there were found men to take advantage of their pro
visions to gratify their own private hates. Thus, Solon's
laws allowed popular action for most offences — regarding
all offences as against the " peace and dignity of the
state " — as we do now ; but in many cases advantage was
taken of this by bad men to make the most calumnious
accusations against men whose character until then had
stood even above suspicion. So advantage was frequently
taken of the law of ostracism (which was only meant for
good), whereby some of their very best men were ban
ished from the state. Thus, when an ignorant citizen
was about to cast his vote for the ostracism of Aristides,
he was asked by Aristides himself, who chanced to be

324 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

passing by at the moment, and who was unknown toy
him:

" Why, what harm, my friend, has Aristides done to
you?"

" None in the world," replied he ; " but I hate to hear
everybody call him the ' Just.' "

Thucydides also, from whom Athens had received the
most eminent services, was in like manner banished by
ostracism ; as likewise were Miltiades, Cimon, Themis-
tocles, Phocion, and many other of their most eminent
men. What was meant, too, for religious freedom was
made to subserve (by those who temporarily had the
power) the purposes of religious bigotry, tyranny, and
persecution, until even the renowned philosopher, Soc
rates, was made to drink the fatal hemlock.

While the great majority of Athenians were entirely
satisfied with their form of government; while the masses
were equally jealous of their liberty, because liberty was
equally necessary to each for the enjoyment of his favor
ite scheme of life ; yet there were those inside of the
republic, as well as outside, who did not like a republican
form of government, and who were all the while watch
ing for an opportunity to overthrow it. Among these
was Pisistratus, a man of large wealth, splendid talents,
and of great popularity. He aspired to sovereign power,
and by his artifices came so near in obtaining it, that
Solon, disgusted at the want of patriotism among his
countrymen, and unable to witness its degradation, bade
adieu to Athens, and died in voluntary exile. He — even
he, the great and good Solon — was made to feel what it
was to be " a man without a country!' an<3 chose to die in
exile rather than to remain in his native land, or even to
look upon it again in a state of degradation. If the time
should ever come (and God only knows how soon it may
come !) when not only one but scores, yea, hundreds, of

FINAL DECLINE OF THIS REPUBLIC. 325

American Solons should be wandering throughout the
world, without a home and without a country, because of
the destruction of our representative form of government
by European jealousy and Catholic bigotry, then, if never
before, they and all others will fully understand some
thing of the natural outgrowth of the Democratic party
of this country, of which the late rebellion was the first
act in the drama, and of which its secret workings only
represented the machinations of a hundred Pisistratuses !

But though Pisistratus thus usurped power, and for a
while played the sovereign, he was unable to retain it
long. Megacles and Lycurgus, the chiefs of the Alc-
maeonidas, gained at length so much strength as to attack
and expel the usurper from Athens. By a stratagem he
again secured power, and, on dying, bequeathed the
crown to his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, but erelong
Hipparchus was killed, and Hippias dethroned, and once
again the republic prevailed, and statues were erected to
the honor of Harmodius and Aristogiton as the authors
of their country's deliverance from tyranny.

From thenceforth there was almost a constant warfare
between the political parties or factions of the republic,
while jealous eyes outside were consequently watching
an opportunity for its destruction. Ambitious demagogues
were constantly using the people as their tools, but scarcely
would one obtain the chief magistracy until another
would pull him down — if not by a vote of the people,
then by faction or by assassination. Meanwhile Hippias,
who had been dethroned, sought aid from the king of
Persia to reinstate him, and thus brought a long and
bloody war upon his own country. In this war were fought
the renowned battles of Marathon, Salamis, Plateae, and
Mycale, and the Greeks came off victorious, but at a most
fearful sacrifice of treasure and life. After this followed
the disunion among the several Grecian states — the seces-
28

326 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

sion of some — the coldness and indifference of others ;
and though the brilliant administrations of Cimon and
Pericles seemed to revive the republic for awhile, it was
evident to all that the seeds of death were fast germinating
and would bring forth fruit erelong. The Persian king,
and the sovereigns of other surrounding countries, had
long felt deep jealousy of the Athenian Republic, and,
when an excuse came for attacking it, they were not
backward in availing themselves of the opportunity. For
tunately for the Athenian Republic the attack made upon
them by Persia had the effect to bring the whole power
of the Spartan Republic to their aid, which, with such
other aid as they received from minor states of Greece,
enabled them to defeat the Persians in the end and main
tain their own independence.

But a worse fate awaited them — namely, a fight among
themselves. The mutual jealousies that had long existed
between Athens and Sparta broke out afresh, and soon
terminated in an open war between the two republics,
and most of the minor states of Greece took a part in the
quarrel. The first declaration of hostilities, however, was
compromised before they came to actual conflict ; but it
proved to be only a smouldering, and not an extinguish
ment, of the fire that had long burned in the breast of
each — a fire that afterwards broke forth in what was known
as the " Peloponnesian war," and lasted twenty-eight
years. Our plan and space will not permit any details of
this. A history of the first twenty-two years of the war
was admirably written by Thucydides, and of the last six
years by Xenophon, to whom we must refer the reader
who would know its particulars. Suffice it to say here
that during this long internecine war each achieved vic
tories and each suffered defeats. At one time the Spartans
so reduced Athens as to make an entire change in its
constitution. The republic was abolished and thirty

FINAL DECLINE OF THIS REPUBLIC. 327

governors, or, as the Greek historians style them, "thirty
tyrants" were substituted, whose power seems to have
been absolute, unless in so far as each was restrained by
the equally arbitrary will of his colleagues. So fearful
and terrible was their rule, that Xenophon thinks "a
greater number of Athenian citizens lost their lives by the
sentence of these tyrants, in the short space of eight
months, than had fallen in the whole twenty-eight years
of the Peloponnesian war." Hundreds of the most emi
nent of the Athenian families left their country in despair,
and what remained were for a time awed into silence,
and dumb with consternation.

And just here we may pause to say that precisely the
same kind of rule, and the same kind of results, would
have been witnessed in this country, had the rebellion, by
the aid of the Democratic party, succeeded in capturing
Washington and in establishing their rule over this coun
try. It is one of the " SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION,
NOW REVEALED FOR THE FIRST TIME" (and our information
comes from one who was behind the scenes and knew all
about it, and the first sixteen chapters of this volume en
tirely confirm this opinion), that behind President Davis
and behind General Lee stood a body of desperate men,
who, at one single sweep, would have wiped them off the
chess-board and put others in their stead, had they shown
the least considerate humanity in dealing with Northern
men, in case the rebellion had succeeded. Not Abraham
Lincoln alone would have fallen at the hands of the as
sassin or hangman, but thousands of others throughout
the North would have suffered a like fate, until the rule
of the " thirty tyrants " in Athens would have been con
sidered but child's play in comparison with the rule of
the more than three hundred tyrants of this republic.
Then would have been witnessed here, as there, thousands
of the most eminent of American families leaving their

328 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

country in despair — wandering they knew not whither — -
without a home ', and without a country ! Abraham Lincoln's
assassination was indeed done by a half-crazed Southern
rebel; but who can doubt, after reading the secrets re
vealed in the foregoing pages, that the frenzy that fired
Booth's brain, and the nerve that enabled him to fire the
deadly shot, came as directly from the DEMOCRATIC party,
as a party, as that the pistol itself was purchased by a
Democratic partisan. All these facts go hand-in-hand,
and there is no separating one from the others.

But we have already occupied much more of time and
space on the Athenian Republic than we had intended.
We can only say, in conclusion, that, after the reign of
the " thirty tyrants," its fortunes were up and down —
oftener down than up — until the battle of Chaeronea,
which occurred in the year 338 before Christ, when the
liberties of Greece were made to yield finally and forever
to the stronger arm of the Macedonian. The Athenian
Republic had existed after a fashion — and, indeed, much
of the time it was only " after a fashion " — for seven hun
dred and thirty years ; and when it fell, there was not so
much as an empty shell left. Its internal dissensions,
more than anything else, had eaten out its vitals; the
jealousy of surrounding monarchies had been to it a
constant source of danger, and several times a source of
great disaster; while for fully one-half of the seven hun-
dren and thirty years it was rather a government of
tyranny than of liberty to those who lived under it.

330

CHAPTER XXI.

OF SPARTA AND ITS LESSONS.

QPARTA was built by Lacedaemon as early as 1487
O years before Christ; but it did not become a republic
until Lycurgus remodelled its laws, eight hundred and
eighty-four years before Christ. Though a representative
form of government, and therefore a republic, yet it was
so different from any other government that ever existed
before or since, it may well be called unique, singular, sui
generis. Its citizens, for instance, ate at public tables ; the
children were regarded as belonging to the state rather
than to parents ; its money was made of iron and of such
weight that no one man could carry a hundred dollars.
Thus, and in other ways, the accumulation of wealth was
discouraged — while instruction in the art of war was
made pastime — meat, drink, and sleep, as it were, to all its
male inhabitants. The labor of its farms, of its shops,
of its merchants even, was all done by slaves ; while the
administration of government, the learning how to fight,
and fighting, seems to have been the principal, if not the
only, employment of its free citizens. Though existing
at the same time with the Athenian Republic, and within
one hundred and eighty-four years as old, the two gov
ernments were in no sense a type of each other. The
Athenian found in his taste for pleasure constant employ
ment ; the Spartan's taste was only for war. The arts of
Athens met with the highest encouragement ; at Sparta,
scarcely none at all. At Athens the luxury of the rich
constantly employed the industry of the poor ; at Sparta,

332 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

luxury was regarded as almost criminal, and he who in
dulged in it was regarded with contempt, if not with
execration. The sciences were also cultivated by Athe
nians with the same ardor as the arts; while Spartans
cared nothing for science, except so far as it contributed
to the efficiency of warfare. As another, in contrasting
the two republics, has very aptly put it, "Sparta was
altogether a military establishment ; every other art was
prohibited, industry among individuals was unknown, and
domestic economy unnecessary — for all was in common.
The Lacedaemonians were active only when at war. In
peace, their manner of life was languid, uniform, indolent,
and insipid. Taught to consider war as the sole honor
able or manly occupation, they contracted a fierce and
ferocious turn of mind, which distinguished them from
all the other states of Greece. Despising the arts them
selves, they despised all who cultivated them. Their
constitution was fitted to form a small, a brave, and an
independent state; but had no tendency to produce a
great, a polished, or a conquering people."

Between our own and a republic so peculiarly consti
tuted, we can hardly make comparisons; and yet we find,
even in that, some features like in our own. Lysander was
not only a great general, but, as Plutarch calls him, he
was &fox as well. Richelieu, when told that his enemies
called him a fox, said :

" Fox !— Well, I like the nickname ! What did Plutarch
say of the Greek Lysander ? "

Joseph. I forget.

Richelieu. That where the lion's skin fell short, he eked
it out with the fox's ! A great statesman, Joseph, that
same Lysander! "

Martin Van Buren, both before and after he became
President of the United States, was called a fox, because
of his great slyness and shrewdness in pulling the wires

OF SPARTA AND ITS LESSONS. 333

for the Democratic party. He denounced that party
before he died, however, and allowed himself to be run
against their regular candidate for the Presidency; and,
were he alive to-day, and knew of the secrets which this
volume discloses, no man in the United States would be
more free in denouncing that party for the part it took in
the rebellion, and for the part it is still taking in helping
Europeans in their designs to overthrow this government
and the freedom of the press, than Martin Van Buren.

This republic, like that of Athens, had its ending with
the battle of Ch<zronea,K.c. 3 38, after which the all-conquer
ing Philip took possession of it and of all the states of
Greece. The republic had existed after a fashion (for
here, as at Athens, it was only " after a fashion " part of
the time) through a period of five hundred and forty-six
years ; but finally died from the ambition of those within
and the jealousy of those without.

Thebes was the last of the Grecian republics, but for a
time shone with as much brilliancy as either of the others.
It had its origin from fortuitous circumstances rather than
from the genius of any lawmaker; but it produced and
nurtured legislators as wise as Solon or Lycurgus, and
soldiers as brave and as brilliant as Pericles or Lysander.
When Athens and Sparta were visibly tending to decline,
Thebes suddenly rose to a degree of splendor which
eclipsed all her sister and contemporary states.

Long before B. c. 382, at which time the citadel of
Thebes was seized by the Spartans, the government of
the Thebans was called republican, but it was rather so
in name than in fact. The oligarchic party at Thebes,
corresponding with the Democratic party of this country,
were all the while aiming at the establishment of an oli
garchy, while the patriotic supporters of liberty and inde
pendence were just as determined not only to maintain
the republic, but to make it so in fact as well as in name.

334 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

The last-named party of Thebes corresponded precisely
with the Republican party of this country. When the
contention between these two parties was at fever heat,
it happened that Phcebidas, a Lacedaemonian general, was
sent with an army to punish the people of Olynthus, a
Thracian city, for an alleged infraction of a treaty of
peace formed not long before. While Phcebidas was on
this expedition, Leontiades, the head of the oligarchic
party at Thebes, prevailed on him to second the attempts of
his party against the liberties of their country. The Spar
tan general yielded to the suggestion, and, while the un
suspecting Thebans were celebrating the festival of Ceres,
Phcebidas marched his army into the city and took pos
session of their citadel. When the republicans of Thebes
protested against this, the Spartans acknowledged it an
act of treason in Leontiades to have thus betrayed his
country, and they reprobated the conduct of Phcebidas
in giving his aid to a measure which was a direct infrac
tion of a national treaty; but being now masters of
Thebes, they did not choose to abandon their acquisition.

If through the influence and aid of Lord John Brew-
erton (the particulars of which are given in the fifth
chapter of this volume) and others like him, the heads,
the Leontiadeses, of the Democratic party of this
country, could have betrayed our government into the
hands of Great Britain, and thereby pleased every other
kingly government of Europe, every Englishman would
have acknowledged that somebody had played the traitor,
and that it constituted not only a direct infraction of the
treaty between their government and ours, but an infrac
tion of the law of nations as well ; yet, like the Spar
tans, they would have been unequal to the conflict be
tween virtue and self-interest, and, like them, would have
replied, Now that we have the country, we '11 keep it !

But though the " mills of the gods grind slowly, they

OF SPARTA AND ITS LESSONS. 33$

grind exceeding fine," and erelong the republicans of
Thebes, headed by the brave Pelopidas, and seconded by
the no less brave Epaminondas, shook off the Spartan
yoke — shook off the oligarchy — and reestablished a re
publican form of government, and from thenceforth the
Theban Republic went forward in a career of glory equal
to anything that Athens or Sparta could ever boast.
The battle of Lenctra, in which six thousand Thebans,
commanded by Epaminondas, entirely defeated twenty-
five thousand Lacedaemonians, leaving four thousand,
with their chief, Cleombrotus, dead upon the field, was
but the beginning of a series of actions all of which re
flected upon Thebes the highest glory. We have not
room to relate these in detail, but one incident in the life
of Epaminondas — at its close — we cannot omit. The full
particulars of the incident may be found in Xenophon and
Diodorus, but its gist is about as follows : At the battle
of Mantinea, Epaminondas, too rashly pursuing his suc
cess, had advanced beyond the line of his troops, when,
the enemy rallying, he was exposed to a whole shower
of darts, and fell, pierced with numberless wounds. "His
faithful Thebans," says Professor Tytler, " found means to
rescue his body while life yet remained, and to bring him
to his tent. A javelin stuck fast in his breast, and his
physician declared that on extracting it he would imme
diately expire. In this extremity, breathless and fainting,
while his friends stood weeping around him, he first in
quired what had become of his shield, and being told that
it was safe, he beckoned to have it brought to him, and
kissed it. He then asked which side had gained the vic
tory, and being told it was the Thebans, ' Then/ said he,
* all is well.' While some of his friends were lamenting
his untimely fall, and regretting that he had left no chil
dren to perpetuate his memory, ' Yes,' said he, ' I have
left two fair daughters, Leuctra and Mantinea' (the names

336 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

of battle-fields) — ' these will perpetuate my memory ; ' so
saying, with his own hands he drew forth the javelin from
his breast, and instantly expired."

If the republic at that moment could have died with
Epaminondas, it would have gone out in a blaze of glory ;
but, alas ! alas ! it yet contained traitors in its own
bosom, and was yet to reap the fruits of treason.

Philip, King of Macedon, determined to subvert the
liberties of all the Grecian republics. To him, as to Eu
ropean sovereigns of to-day, a representative form of gov
ernment was hateful, as would have been the liberty of
the press, had there been a press in those days. It was
one of his favorite maxims that " no fortification was im
pregnable into which a mule could make its way with a
bag of money" as it was a maxim with the first Napoleon
that " every man has his price" In pursuance of this
policy, Philip had his bribed emissaries in Thebes, as he
had at Athens and Sparta. In Athens he had in his pay
no less a man than ^Eschines, the great orator, and Aris-
todemus and Neoptolemus, the two great comedians — all
of whom were men of the highest influence in the public
assemblies.

With such men at the capitals of the three largest re
publics — all constantly declaring themselves to be the
" stanchest of democrats" — it was only a question of time
with Philip when he should have the republics within his
grasp. Demosthenes thundered and lightened worse
than the natural elements. His " Philippics " rolled over
the heads and hearts of the people, and found responsive
echoes in thousands of breasts ; but the still, small voice
of Philip's gold in the pockets of leading loud-mouthed
so-called Democrats had more influence than all the thun
ders of a Demosthenes. Philip's far-reaching plan was
first to introduce treachery in the heart of each republic,
and then set them at variance with each other, that his

OF SPARTA AND ITS LESSONS. 337

alliance might be courted and an opportunity furnished
for introducing Macedonian troops into Greece. He had
not long to wait for the maturing of his plans. The
Phocians, instead of paying a fine inflicted upon them by
the Amphictyonic Council (corresponding to our Con
gress), seized the temple of Apollo at Delphos, with all
its treasures. This set the republics at war with each
other — some siding with the Council and some with the
Phocians. At length the Thessalians implored Philip's
assistance against their tyrant, Lycophron, whose govern
ment they felt to be intolerable. The tyrant sought aid
of the Phocians to support him against his own subjects.
They responded to Lycophron, and Philip, with an alac
rity that knew no precedent, responded to the people.
The result of all this was that Philip obtained a strong
foothold in Greece, the very thing he had so long sought
through his paid emissaries. This advantage Philip fol
lowed up with the keen scent and persistence of a blood
hound, and although Demosthenes still continued to thun
der against him, Philip's gold in the pockets of sordid
ignorance, under the guise of democratic patriots, over
balanced the warnings of eloquence, and thus matters
went on, step by step, until the battle of Chaeronea, when,
at one fell swoop, not only the republic of Thebes, but all
the other republics and states of Greece, fell into the
hands of Philip.

Can you not see, my friend (the reader), in all this
some striking points of resemblance between the rise,
progress, and fall of the Theban Republic, and the rise,
progress, and what threatened to be the fall of our own
government in the late rebellion ?

According to European notions, we had a sort of re
public, a sort of representative form of government, prior
to 1776; but it was rather an oligarchy than a repub
lic, and Washington, Adams, John Hancock, and others,
29 W

SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.
*

determined to have a real republic or die in the attempt.
Seven years of terrible struggle and fearful sacrifice
brought their wishes to a successful issue. From 1783
until 1822 the course of this republic was one blaze of
glory, equal to anything that Thebes could ever boast.
Meanwhile the jealous eyes of many European Philips
had been looking on, and finally a Congress at Vienna,
in 1822, entered into a solemn treaty with each other
(two of the articles of which we have heretofore quoted)
that representative governments, and the liberty of the
press, were " incompatible " (that is the word) with
" monarchical principles," and therefore OUGHT TO BE
ABOLISHED. In pursuance of this resolve the Philips of
Europe began to send their gold into this country, of
which no less than $612,656 were sent from a single city
of France (Lyons) in four years, as we have heretofore
shown from their own published reports. True, this was
but a drop in the bucket, but it shows that the drops
came from thick-lipped vials, and consequently were
very large drops. Among the contributions made about
that time, it was announced, with a great flourish of
trumpets and as greatly to his credit, that the Emperor
of Austria had contributed TWENTY THOUSAND francs to
" The Society for the Propagation of the Faith." For
the propagation of what? Of the faith/ God save the
mark ! Had the item read, For the propagation of the
Democratic party, and, through it, monarchical princi
ples, it would, in our humble judgment, have been nearer
the truth. Of course we do not know — no one ever can
know — what proportion of the money contributed in
Europe and sent to this country (nominally to propagate
the faith of the Catholic Church) went into the hands of
State and National Democratic Executive Committees;
but this we do know, as well as we know any conclusion
drawn from known facts by deduction, that the money so

OF SPARTA AND ITS LESSONS. 339

sent had for its ultimate object (no matter into whose
hands it first fell) more the destruction of the representative
form of this government, and the liberty of the press, than
the propagation of any religious faith.

And let us pause a moment just here to say, that the
process of investigation and of reasoning by which we
arrive at the above conclusion, and at other conclusions
heretofore announced, is very near to certainty, nor is it at
all mystical. As Professor Huxley very aptly says, when
writing of the results of induction and deduction, " The
vast results obtained by science are won by no mystical
faculties, by no mental processes, other than those which
are practised by every one of us in the humblest and
meanest walks of life. A detective policeman discovers
a burglar from the marks made by his shoe, 'by a mental
process identical with that by which Cuvier restored the
extinct animals of Montmartre from fragments of their
bones. Nor does that process of induction and deduction
by which a lady, finding a stain of a particular kind upon
her dress, concludes that somebody has upset the ink
stand thereon, differ in any way from that by which
Adams and Leverrier discovered a new planet. The
man of science, in fact, simply uses with scrupulous ex
actness the methods which we all habitually and at
every moment use carelessly."

Though our present treatise is on history rather than
on science, we have used the facts which have fallen in
our way from a somewhat extensive reading and study
of history with as much "scrupulous exactness" as though
we had been writing upon science, and we feel within our
own breast that the conclusions reached are very near,
if not a dead, certainty. We did not make the facts that
we have used. They have been parts of current history
from time to time, extending through a period of nearly
three thousand years. We have simply put the facts in

34O SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

logical form — in the form of proposition and proof — and
then drawn therefrom such inferences as seemed natural
and inevitable. Politicians will say, we know, that our
conclusions are the result of preconceived opinions;
bigots in religion will say that our conclusions are
founded upon prejudice ; but neither the one nor the
other will be true. Take the same facts, and we defy
any logician or rhetorician in the world to reach different
conclusions, if honest with his own conscience before
God.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE MATTER.

TTAVING more than consumed the space allotted for
1 1 this volume, we have neither room nor time left in
which to write of the Roman Republic as its importance
demands, and as indeed we should gladly have written.
And yet we confess there is not, or ought not to be, any
necessity for adding another word. If the lessons taught
us from what we have learned of the three preceding re
publics have not opened our eyes to the dangerous ten
dencies of the DEMOCRATIC party as a party ; if we are
not already convinced that the leaders of that party, and
those who stand behind the scenes to prompt the leaders
and furnish them with the " sinews of war/' in the shape
of European gold, have for their ultimate object the
setting aside of our representative form of government and
the destruction of the liberty of our press, then we would
not be convinced though one arose from the dead.

Why, then, need we add a word about the founding of
the Roman Republic, five hundred and ten years before
Christ ; why tell of the law, then for the first time enacted
by the Senate, that any citizen who had been condemned
to death by a magistrate, or even to banishment, or cor
poral punishment, should have the right of an appeal to
the people before the sentence went into effect ; why tell
of the wars in which the republic was thenceforth en
gaged, and how gloriously the people sustained the
honor of the republic; why tell how the people were
afterwards betrayed by their rulers, and made to suffer

343

344 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

the most intolerable hardships until they obtained the
privilege of electing tribunes ; why tell of the struggles
that these tribunes of the people had with rulers chosen
by the aristocracy for many, many years in maintaining
for the people the rights for which they had made im
mense sacrifice of life, and which they valued so highly ;
why tell — as it would take an entire volume to tell — how
corruptions crept, from time to time, into the heart of
the republic, how ambition took the place of patriotism,
how the leaders in the provinces were watching with
jealous eyes those at Rome and vice versa, how Caesar
finally "passed the Rubicon," how he seized the govern
ment, how he attempted to put on a crown, and in the
attempt lost both the crown and his life; and how, when
great Caesar fell, fell the republic, with a crash, that was
heard to the uttermost ends of the earth? If we were
to tell all this with the precision of a Montesquieu, or
with as much display of learning as an Abbe de Vertot,
there could only be gathered therefrom precisely the
same lessons as we have already learned from the rise,
progress, decline, and downfall of the three Grecian re
publics.

And thus, my friend (the reader), we are finally brought
face to face to the last clause of your third question, as
to What is to be the final end of this republic ?

The shortest answer would be, We don't know, and
then stop right there ; but this would not be satisfactory
to you. The next shortest answer will be that our repub
lic will, in all human probability, follow the fate of the
Grecian and Roman republics, and that it is only a ques
tion of time when that shall be. We know that such a
confession is humiliating to one's pride, and that we
would all much rather believe, as it is usual for Fourth of
July orators to say, that "this republic is to last forever!"

THE CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE MATTER. 345

but alas ! alas ! for human vanity, it is only too true that
" history but repeats itself! "

But, allowing this answer to be the correct one, it by
no means lessens your and my responsibility ; for whether
that end comes in twenty years, or two hundred years,
or two thousand years, depends altogether upon Americans
themselves. There are good, and true, and intelligent
men in every political party, as there are good, and true,
and intelligent men in every religious organization. While
we conscientiously believe that the tendency of the Demo
cratic party to be just as we have repeatedly stated; and
while we as conscientiously believe that the Roman Cath
olic Church, as a church, is being made use of by European
sovereigns, just as we have repeatedly stated ; yet we be
lieve, indeed, we know, that both in that party and in that
church are as good men, as true men, and as intelligent men
as are to be found in any party or in any church on earth ;
and if these will but unite with the good, and true, and
intelligent of other parties and of other churches, the
representative form of this government, and consequently
its liberties, and the liberty of its press, may be preserved
yet for many scores of years, if not for many centuries.
It is no mere figure of speech to say that " the price of
liberty is eternal vigilance!' Like panthers crouching and
waiting for their prey, the enemies of this government
are all the while on the watch. They have their paid
emissaries not only at Washington, but at every State
capital, just as Philip of Macedon had among the repub
lics of Greece. A lack of vigilance upon the part of pa
triots may, at any one of our national elections, put the
general government into their hands. This once in their
hands, they will find a way, or make one, as we have here
tofore said, to hold it for all time to come; for every
crowned head of Europe would at once, openly or se
cretly, rally to their support. Then would come a weep-

346 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

ing, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth, but, alas, it
would be too late ! Then would be found Americans in
all parts of the world without a home and without a coun
try, but their regrets, alas ! would bring back neither.
There are Greeks and Romans to-day, as there were
Greeks and Romans two thousand and three thousand
years ago ; but it blurs the eye to see (as we have seen in
their own lands), and it sickens the heart to think (as any
intelligent man may think) of, the difference between a cit
izen of Greece and of Rome to-day and of the citizen who
lived when they were republics ! Pigmies and giants are
the only two English words we have to express such dif
ference ; but to one who has seen and felt the difference,
while travelling through their own lands, these words fail
utterly to convey a true conception of the real difference
which exists.

And now, my good friend (the reader), I must bid you
farewell. We have travelled a long way together — longer,
perhaps, than has occurred to you as we have steadily
pursued our course. Starting in our own times, and with
events in some of which we have ourselves taken part,
we have slowly ascended the river of time until we reached
a point (the beginning of the Athenian Republic) nearly
three thousand years from where we started. Then, re
tracing our way, we slowly descended the river, stopping
long enough to gather a few grains of wheat at one place,
a few grains of rye at another, a few grains of corn at
another, and so on, and on, until we have got back to
where we started. In the beginning of our journey we
peeped into some dark places — places into which the light
of history never before had shone, but which, from this
time forth, will be as well known as any other facts of the
great rebellion.

All that I have done for you, in all these journeyings,
is, at near the close of our pilgrimage, to select out the

THE CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE MATTER. 347

different kinds of grain, arrange them in form of proposi
tion and proof, just as any other logician or rhetorician
might have done, and then point out to you that, if we
would be profited by these grains (of information), picked
up on the way, and treat them in a certain manner, they
would yield wholesome bread and sustain life (the life of
our republic) for many years to come ; whereas, treated
in another way, these same grains would only make the
vilest of whiskey, which, used wrongfully, could only lead
to misery and final death here and eternal death here
after. In some things, my friend (the reader), your
knowledge is far beyond mine ; in others, mine may be
greater than yours, because of chances of information
which happened to come in my way instead of coming
in yours. While glad to learn anything I can from you,
I have only done my duty, for which I claim no credit —
only done as I would wish to be done by — in communi
cating to you such facts, and the unmistakable inference
from such facts, as were secrets with others until they
came to me, and secrets with me until I now communi
cate them to you, and through you and the printed page
to the rest of the world.

And now, what is your and my duty in the premises ?
Is it to sit with folded hands and see our glorious republic
drift on and on until it falls into the hands of the Dem
ocratic party, and then into the hands of European
sovereigns, and then is blotted out in one eternal night ?
Or shall we not rather (as Gough so graphically pictures
in one of his inimitable lectures) cry aloud to those whom
we see carelessly sailing on the river of Time — the Niag
ara River, — only a little way above the rapids, and within
plain hearing of the thundering of the all-devouring
falls — " Young men, ahoy there ; the rapids are below you /"
And if they should at first respond with a " Ha ! ha ! we
will laugh and quaff; all things delight us ; what care we

348 SECRETS OF THE LATE REBELLION.

for the future ? " — then to cry again, still louder than be
fore, "BEWARE! BEWARE! THE RAPIDS ARE BELOW YOU!"
and if, after all this, they still go shrieking, howling, blas
pheming over the falls of the river of Time, your skirts
and mine will be free of their blood.

Or, to change the metaphor, my friend, let you and I
and all of us who love a representative form of govern
ment, who love the freedom of the press, who love our
own glorious republic — let us, whenever we see the
" ship of state " floundering in the breakers and liable to
be engulphed by the angry waves of passion, hate, and
self-interest, imitate the example of our blessed Saviour,
and cry aloud, "PEACE; BE STILL! " and though we may
not, like Him, calm the waves by miraculous power, yet,
if with our cry we put our shoulders firmly together, and
pull at the same end of the rope, all of us who really
love the republic — the honest Democrat with the honest
Republican, the honest Catholic with the honest Protest
ant — we and our descendants may save the " ship of state"
from sinking, at least for many years, if not for many
centuries to come. And may God bless and prosper
every such united effort for the saving of our glorious
republic J

THE END.

VALUABLE AND INTERESTING WORKS

FOR

Public and Private Libraries,

PUBLISHED BY

CROMBARGAR & CO., PHILADELPHIA.

Any of the following works will be sent by mail, postage
prepaid, on receipt of price. Letters, plainly and simply
addressed CROMBARGAR & Co., Publishers, Philadelphia,
will always reach us.

Travels in the Holy Land, Syria, Asia Minor, and Turkey.

i vol., crown 8vo, cloth, gilt, over 500 pages. Well
Illustrated. Price, $2.00.

This work accurately describes the countries through which " THE
AUTHOR" travelled, tells of their past and present condition and his
tory, and gives the many incidents which befel him and his family
during an extended tour through those far-famed Eastern lands. Its
illustrations embrace a view of Bethlehem ; of the Holy Sepulchre, at
Jerusalem ; of the Pool of Siloam ; of the Garden of Gethsemane ; of
the Valley of Jehoshaphat ; of the Mosque of Omar, which now stands
on the site of Solomon's Temple, at Jerusalem ; of the church where
Christ was born, at Bethlehem of Judea ; of ploughing in Syria ; of
a Druse marriage procession ; of the ruins of Baalbec ; of flat-top houses
in Syria ; of the cedars of Lebanon, etc., etc., etc.

It transports the reader, by easy and pleasant stages, from Alexandria,
in Egypt, to Constantinople, in Turkey, and shows him every city,
town, village, mountain, valley, lake, and river between these two
points ; entertaining him, meanwhile, with the thousand-and-one inter-
esting incidents of sight-seeing which occur every day, and almost
every hour, on the way. It grows more and more instructive as a
history, and more and more thrilling and instructive as a narrative, from
the first page to the last.

Next to the Bible, there is no book so intensely interesting to a
Christian reader as that of the land where Christ was born — where he
did all his mighty works — where he died upon the cross — and where
he rose again from the dead. This book tells the whole story of
" Jesus and the Cross," as well as what relates in those lands to Abra
ham, Isaac, Jacob, and all the Patriarchs. It should be on the centre-
table or in the library of every house from Maine to Georgia — from the
Atlantic to the Pacific.

2 VALUABLE AND INTERESTING WORKS.

Elizabeth's Mission (Faithful and True) : A Parable of
What Might Have Been, of What Was, and of What
Will Be. i vol., crown octavo, cloth, gilt, thoroughly
illustrated. Price, $2.00.

Within the past few years a perfect tornado of crime, or malignant
persecution (which of the two the reading of this book will help the
reader to determine), has swept over New Jersey, carrying into the State-
prison a score or more of men who, up to that time, had been counted
as among its most worthy citizens. Among those thus sent to State-
prison were such as had been Senators, Assemblymen, United States
Commissioners, Judges, State and County Treasurers, County Solicitors,
City Comptrollers, Freeholders, Officers in the Army, Lawyers, Doctors,
Ministers, Officers of Banks, wealthy Farmers, and others. It seemed,
for a time, that all the elements of society had been unhinged, and that
no man, no matter what his position, was safe in person, property, or
reputation.

. This one great fact in current history forms the ground-work of the
parable of " Elizabeth's Mission" Most of the prominent men thus
imprisoned are noticed in this work in some way or other; but one
especially — a DOCTOR FRANCIS, so named — is represented in this book
as the husband of the ELIZABETH who is made the heroine of the
story, and it is her Faithfulness and Truthfulness to him that consti
tutes the gist of the parable, and around which all other parts are made
to revolve. There are a large number of characters introduced, each
to play his or her own particular part ; but this ELIZABETH is made the
central character, and from the conversations which occur between her
and her husband, at different times and under different circumstances,
each moral of the story (of which there are quite a number) is drawn.

A critical eye cannot fail to observe that the ELIZABETH of the story
is the velvet glove over the steel hand of the DOCTOR ; and while the
one smooths by her gentleness and by her lovableness of character
(than which a more perfect and lovable one was never drawn), the
other crushes with arguments from antecedent probability, from sign,
and from example, until nothing remains of those he takes in hand.
While the Doctor is thus crushing to some, he is no less loving to
others. The comments he makes upon those whom his wife names at
one of their sittings prove that his love toward his friends is like that
of Jonathan toward David, or Damon toward Pythias — wholly bound
less. Elizabeth's love exceeds the Doctor's just as much as a woman's
should exceed a man's, and in no respect are the two characters more
admirably drawn than in this. His is a masculine hate and love, hers
a womanly, — the two uniting in intense love for each other.

The reformation which such a book should work in Criminal Pro
cedure can only be likened to what "Uncle Tom's Cabin" did work
in political procedure — convulsion, war to the knife, and final aboli
tion of all that is wrong in the system ; until it should be as impossible
for an innocent man to suffer wrong as for a guilty one to escape pun
ishment.

No one can read this book without profit, nor without an increasing
thrill of pleasurable excitement from the first chapter to the last.

VALUABLE AND INTERESTING WORKS. 3

Secrets of the Late Rebellion, now Revealed for the First

Time, i vol., crown octavo, fully illustrated, cloth and

gilt. Price, $2.00.

Since the war of the Great Rebellion began and ended, nothing has
appeared in print of such thrilling interest as this will prove to be. I
say this unhesitatingly now, after reading the manuscript, and have no
fear of having to take a single word of it back. The disguising and
passing of an English Lord, under the conduct of a Rebel Colonel,
through the Union and Rebel lines, from Washington to Richmond and
back ; what occurred at old Aunt Rachel's cabin ; the Lord and the
Colonel's ride nn a two-wheeled dirt-cart, behind a blind mule, from
midnight to daylight ; the Lord's grand reception and princely treat
ment at Richmond, and by the " Cotton-Kings " on his return to Phila
delphia and New York ; the passing and re-passing of English manu
facturers and New York cotton speculators through the Union and
Rebel lines, under the conduct of the same Rebel Colonel ; the con
sultations in Philadelphia and Baltimore by " Cotton-Kings," and how
they managed to " shut the eye " of the Government, while aiding the
Rebels and making immense profits for themselves ; the killing of one
of Baker's detectives by one of President Davis's " underground con
ductors ;" the interview between Senator (afterwards President) Johnson
and a Rebel Colonel ; the dangers and hair-breadth escapes of this same
Colonel on several occasions ; the secret operations of Moseby's gue
rilla band, never before revealed, including the burning alive, frequent
robbery, and frequent murder of Union officers and soldiers ; the " Bay
onet " court at Alexandria; its trial of slave-masters for horrible
whippings of their slaves, and of Rebels for assaults upon Union citi
zens; the " Hutchinson concert" at Alexandria, guarded by Union
soldiers; interviews between the Provost Judge and President Lincoln,
Secretary Cameron, Attorney-General Bates, and others — all these and
scores of others of like character, being once read, can never be effaced
from the memory.

These facts (most of which are now for the first time revealed) ex
plain many things about the Rebellion which, at the time, were pro
found mysteries to everybody ; especially, why it was that the war
could last nearly five years, when everybody, at the beginning, thought
it could be finished in three months ; and how and why it was that
hundreds of millions of dollars had to be expended, and tens of thou
sands of lives sacrificed, when the expenditure of a single million of
dollars, and the loss of a single thousand lives, should have settled
the whole affaif. The last few chapters are altogether the most terri
ble indictments against a party and against a church ever drawn by the
pen of man. The arranging of facts in the form of proposition and
proof, and then the inferences or conclusions drawn from those facts,
are the most damaging and damning that could have been put in the
form of words. If either party or church can survive such a blow,
then Bacon's saying, that " The pen is mightier than the sword," will
have to be reversed. Every man in the United States ought to read
this book, and until he does read it, he never can or will fully under
stand the great War of the Rebellion.